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JOHN SENFF, 

Riverside, Ohio. 



Key to Political Science; 



STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 



BY 

JOIIX "SENFF, 

Author of the "Origin and Destiny of Man 



REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION. 




CINCINNATI 

PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR. 

Printed by Robert Clarke A: Co., 61, 63, 65 West Fourth Street. 

1890 

A". 








Entered,according to Act of Congress, in the year 1890, 

B? JOHN SENFF, 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington 



TO THE READER. 



Whatever a man may do, there must be a motive for 
his action. This motive, if proper, should be received by 
others as an ample apology for all acts not absolutely criminal. 

The apology I offer for writing the following pages is 
fully sufficient, in my estimation, and will justify me in my 
action. 

It is this: The nations of the world are so miserably 
abused by the governments that exercise authority over 
them, that they live in want, while the means nature pro- 
vides are ample if rightly applied. It is not always vil- 
lainy on the part of the rulers which produces this result, 
but more frequently it is the effect of ignorance. 

But, in a government like ours, this should not be. We 
have the choice of our rulers, and the only thing requisite 
is to make a judicious selection. For this purpose, I have 
laid down rules whereby the people can make the best 
choice possible, and the rulers be enabled to avoid the 
errors of their predecessors. As all citizens of this Repub- 
lic are, or should be, equally interested in a good govern- 
ment, therefore I could not well withhold the following 
suggestions. Whether they are wise, proper, and of value 
to the people, they alone must decide 



IV TO THE READEK. 



I do not pretend they are without errors — there may be 
many ; yet if they contain some new principles by which man- 
kind may be benefited, then I am amply rewarded. 

With this brief introduction I submit the work to the public. 



APOLOGETIC. 
My apology for making this addition (pages 253-302) to this 
book is: In writing the first part I had entirely overestimated 
the general knowledge of the public in what constitutes gov- 
ernment. I have since found that there is not one in every 
thousand of the reading public who has any regular knowl- 
edge of what constitutes government, and still fewer who 
know any thing of the classification of government into its 
three phases, or the natural clasification of rights, whereby we 
arrive at our first ideas of ethics. I think there is no work or 
book of the kind in existence— at least I have never found 
one — therefore the more important that such a book should 
find its way to the public. It at once becomes a guide to the 
common citizen as well as to the judge on the bench. In 
making this last addition I think I am discharging my duty to 
myself as well as to my fellow man, for I feel proud to say, 
" The world is my country, and to do good is my religion." 
So we will let our light shine that others may see to walk 
thereby. 



Contents, 



PART I. 

To the Reader — Apologetic 



PAOB 

.iii, iv 



CHAPTER I. 

Preliminary Presentation of the Subject — The Three 
Phases of the Mind — The External, Internal, and Uni- 
versal Minds — The Great Universal Mind M 

CHAPTER II 

♦Social Entertainment — The Regular Order of Nature — 
Associations and Resemblances — Improvements of Past 
Ages 13 

CHAPTER III. 

Rise and Progress of Governments — Possibilities of Hu- 
man Beings — Self-Good the Motive of Action — Experi- 
ences of Man in the Infancy of the Race 16 

CHAPTER IV. 

Government of Force — Formation of Close Communities 
or Cities — Robbery on a More Gigantic Scale — Rise of 
the Military Profession — Civil and Military Order, etc... 18 



Vi CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER V. 

A New Order Evolved — Political Revolutions — Civil War— 
Self-Good the Omnipotent Principle — It Prompts, yet 
Cures Dissensions — It is Radical, yet Conservative 21 

CHAPTER VL 

Improved Order of Things — Development of Man's Moral 
Nature — Light and Truth Flashing upon Him — He is 
Reverent and Awe-struck — A Theocracy Establish- 
ed.. 24 

CHAPTER VII 

Progressing through Tribulation — A New Era: the Ra- 
tional — Continued Improvements in Government — The 
American Revolution — Revolutions Revolutionized — A 
Progressive Government at last Established 25 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Tne True Government — Co-operation or Union of Action — 
Political Wisdom Illustrated by the Bees, etc 29 

CHAPTER IX. 

How to Distinguish the True Statesman from the Dema- 
gogue — The Necessity of all being upon Equal Terms — 
The Effect of Protective Tariffs 34 



CONTENTS. Vll 



CHAPTER X. 

The Same Subject Continued — Great Wealth and Ex- 
treme Poverty Dangerous to the Liberties of the Peo- 
ple — Cause of the Social Evil — False Legislation 46 

CHAPTER XI. 

The United States a Republic only on Paper — How to Cor- 
rect the Results of False Legislation — Qualifications of 
the True Statesman — He Possesses Superhuman Pow- 
ers — Mode of Civil Reform — The Enabling Act 52 

CHAPTER XII. 

More about the Enabling Act for the Benefit of the Poor — 
Protection for the Poor merely an Act of Justice — 
Prison Reform 58 

CHAPTER XIII. 

The Military Act — Military Men to be Promoted only in 
the Military Line 63 

CHAPTER XIV. 
Injustice to the Negro — The Emancipation Proclama- 
tion — Its Author — A Statement 70 

CHAPTER XV. 

Mode of Conducting Political Conventions — Man's Needs 
and how to Supply Them — Human Qualifications, Per- 
sonal and Collective — Plan for the Congress of the Na- 
tions — The Worlds Capital City 73 



Vlll 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Duties of the World's Congress — Continuous Fair of the 
Woriu. 78 

CHAPTER XVII. 

The Conclusion of the Whole Matter — Further Elucida- 
tions of Subjects already Considered — Recapitulation — 
Reflections 89 






CONTENTS. 



PART II. 

CHAPTER I. 

Distribution and Re-adjustment Continued — Their Posi- 
tive Necessity — All Interests Mutual — The Prosperity 
of the Rich Depends upon the Comfort and Happiness 
of the Poor — The Theory of Re-adjustment Illustrated 
by Evaporation Allegorically Presented 101 

CHAPTER II. 

Commerce and its Avenues — The General Government 
Alone Empowered to Regulate the Avenues of Trade — 
Justice of the Enabling Act — Congress of the Nations — 
Reign of Peace — The Grand Result 113 

CHAPTER III. 

Classification of Rights Illustrated — The Sunday Ques- 
tion Discussed at Length — Its Sacredness Considered — 
Moses Severely Catechised 123 

CHAPTER IV. 

Arrest and Trial of a Sabbath Breaker — Defendant Claims 
a Nonsuit — Mr. Busybody Appears — Defendant Pleads 
His Case at Length 137 

CHAPTER V. 

Different Temperaments, Desires, and Tastes Characterize 
Different Individuals — In Consequence, Diverse Relig- 
ions Prevail — Three Natural Phases of Religion which 
all Pass through in the Course of Time — The Animal, 
the Sympathetic, and the Intellectual 146 

CHAPTER VI. 

Secret Springs or Invisible Forces of Government — Dif- 
ferent Modes of Exercising Power — Its Use and Abuse — 
Its Use Directed by Wisdom — Its Abuse the Result of 
Ignorance and Selfishness, Constituting Tyranny — 
Requisite Qualities for a Successful Statesman, etc... 152 



viiib CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Monarchies and Republics — Their Difference — The Use 
and Abuse of Power the Same in Each — In What the 
Superiority of a Republic over a Monarchy Consists — 
Secret ot Political Power 160 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Influence of the .American Government upon the Nations 
of the Earth — Despotism Crumbling before the Invisi- 
ble Power of* this Republic — Interesting Conversation 
with a. Polish Professor 165 

CHAPTER IX. 

Government a Preparatory School for Something Higher 
— The Model or Perfect Man — Instructive and Strange 
Vision — Man's Ultimate Destiny — The Conclusion 171 



APPENDIX. 

Free Trade v. Protective Tariffs , 183 

Commerce v. Protective.Tariffs 209 

Signs of the Times 220 

Co-operation 227 

Capital of the World 238 

The Grand, the Beautiful, and Perfect in Nature 248 

What is Government? 253 

Internal Improvement 262 

Basis of a Perfect Civilization, or Social Ethics of the Com- 
munity 264 

The Commune 268 

Court of the Trades and Capitalists 273 

Anarchy, or the Undercurrent of Government — Order in 

Seeming Disorder 277 

Constitutional Government 282 

Temperance Reform 285 

The Present and Future of the United States. 292 

International Intervention 299 

Final Adieu to the Reader,,,,, 301 



Key to Political Science; 

OB, 

STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 



CHAPTER I. 



Preliminary Presentation of the Subject — The Three Phases 
of the Mind — The External, Internal, and. Universal 
Minds — The Great Universal Mind. 

That this work may deserve the title used to desig- 
nate it, it is necessary to take into consideration, if not 
all, yet the principal matters contained in the sciences 
from which the art of government is derived. 

As the welfare of the people should be the great ob- 
ject of government, in order to reach their wants, it is 
of the utmost importance that in a work upon political 
science man's constitutional nature should be carefully 
considered and clearly set forth. I shall, therefore, en- 
deavor to "probe the profound in the nature of man;" 
and, in so doing, I may perhaps materially depart from 
the beaten track, and present phases in his character 
rarely alluded to in works upon either governmental 
affairs or political economy. 

I trust, however, that I shall be able to show the 
relevancy and appropriateness of every point I may 
present, however far-fetched it may at first appear to 
the reader. 



10 



Mind and matter, or the internal and external worlds, 
are by their constitutional natures essentially in har- 
mony. Man's happiness, therefore, depends upon his 
relations with the external world and the maintenance 
of this harmony ; for evils, pains, and discord are the 
results of violations of the mutual laws of both. 

Man is only en rapport with the external world by 
means of his mind, with the assistance of the senses, 
the memory being the great conservator of knowledge, 
while want is the prompter and self-good the object. 

By means of the memory he retains a knowledge of 
both good and evil; and as he is inclined to good and 
hates evil, and learns by experience, he is naturally 
progressive. 

As the general mind is the great laboratory wherein 
he solves all questions that affect him, and as the laws 
of mind are universal, as well as those of matter, there- 
fore we will commence our reflections upon govern- 
ment by noting some of the peculiarities of the mind. 

The soul, body, mind, and spirit are all distinct, one 
from the other. 

The soul is divided from the body by the spirit. 

The mind surrounds the soul as the atmosphere does 
the earth. 

The spirit pervades the mind as the light does our 
atmosphere, bringing the external world in contact 
with the soul — the sensitive, appreciative being. 

Man is possessed of three distinct phases of mind : 

First, the internal ; 

Second, the external; 

Third, the universal. 

The internal is that part of the mind which lies be- 



or, statesman's guide. 11 

tween the soul and the retina whereon is received the 
impressions of the external or material world. 

This is the sphere of imagination, of reason, with 
all the powers of the mind concentrated. This is man's 
heaven. 

The external is that part of the mind which lies di- 
rectly outside of the body, corresponding to the earth 
and her atmosphere, with all her forms of materiality. 
The inside verge hinges on the outside membrane of 
the retina of the internal mind, this being all that di- 
vides them. 

Whatever the impressions of the material world are 
upon the outside membrane, they affect the involuntary 
nerves. We see, hear, taste, smell, and feel just what 
comes in contact with the nerves of the retina. But 
upon the inside of the same retina we daguerreotype 
the images of our imaginations. This constitutes man's 
creative sphere. 

But outside of both these spheres of mind is the 
Great Universal Mind, which is infinite, containing the 
astronomical spheres, both in their minutias and ulti- 
mates. The great universal spirit pervades all — man 
having no spirit of his own. 

Here is the great glory of this matter : All minds 
being in their nature similar, and there being but one 
spirit in the universe pervading all things, and mind 
affecting mind in the just ratio of its power, thereby 
laying the basis for one mind to govern another, and 
also containing the principles whereby one mind com- 
municates with another, making known their mutual 
wants. 

I mean the individual minds are connected with both 
the external and universal minds. Consequently all 



12 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

souls occupying the center of their own minds have knowl- 
edge of one another, and are conscious of each other's want*. 

Draw a circle as- a canopy around the figure of man. The 
line denoting* the canopy is the retina; the inside of the line 
is the inside reti'na; the outside of the same line is the out- 
side retina; the man inside is the soul; the space between 
the man and the line of the canopy is the internal mind or 
intellectorium, wherein he digests crude ideas, while all but- 
side of the line belongs to the external and universal minds. 

All inside the canopy is subject to the will and the imagina- 
tion, while the outside affects only the involuntary, yet it can 
generate ideas and influence the soul by its inspirations, there- 
by controlling the soul in its actions. It is the soul's educator, 
is independent of volition — precedes and controls volition. 

In the sensorium on the inside of the retina that surrounds 
the soul, are marked the creations of the soul ; for she thinks 
outwards, while the external world makes her marks on the 
outside, for the forces of the world seek to enter while the soul 
seeks to go forth; they meet on the retina or sensoria, are 
daguerried there, the one on the outside the other on the in- 
side. The retina co the soul is transparent. She sees the im- 
ages on either side. Their faces stand inwards, therefore can 
not be read or discerned by an outside person. This retina is 
all that divides the universal into outer and inner minds. 
All the senses strike theoutside sensoria of the retina and go no 
further. On the inside are the super-senses, or a seeming con- 
tinuation of the same senses, returningby reflection redaguerre- 
otyping the external on the internal retina facing the soul. 
This is memory. See fourth lecture on Ambition, Aspiration, 
and Inspiration, or what will satisfy the cravings of the mind, 
in book called " SenfT's Lectures on the Constitutional Nature 
of the Universe and Man." 

I have perhaps now premised sufficiently, and will at once 
advance to the subject. 



or, statesman's guide. 13 



CHAPTER II. 

Soctal Entertainment — The Regular Order of Nature — As- 
sociations and Resemblances — Improvements of Past Ages. 

One of the modes of opening the labyrinths of the 
mind to the different departments thereof consists in 
what we call "social entertainment." 

As man has a love for the beautiful, the grand and 
marvelous in nature, and as things, when they become 
familiar to the mind, cease to excite that wonder they 
did at first sight, and instead of pleasing oftentimes 
disgust him, he, being ever progressive, is constantly 
seeking after something new ; and, by means of asso- 
ciations, is enabled to gratify himself to an unlimited 
extent. 

The external world is bound together by social ties 
and resemblances. One thing suggests another, until 
we find all nature is connected in regular links, so that 
the mind can trace out and follow all the different 
parts through associations. 

The mind is a perfect simile in its order to external 
nature. The fact is, all nature exists in the mind, for 
we have no knowledge of anything outside of the 
mind. (See "Universal Mind.") 

The key to unlock each department in nature will 
always be found in the one preceding it, for by associa- 
tion we are enabled to trace out the relation one bears 
to the other, and thus apparently hidden mysteries are 
revealed. 

Hence the glory and pleasure which arise from social 



14 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

converse. Our friend describes in glowing terms some 
grand and beautiful scene, which, for the first time, has 
flashed across his vision. He is in exstacies, for a new 
department has been opened to his mind. While he is 
thus enthusiastically painting in words the glorious 
picture presented to his rapt vision, his friend becomes 
psychologised, sees all he sees, and discovers, by asso- 
ciation, the key which unlocks a new department in 
his own mind. He says, " That suggests a new idea 
to me," andforthwith describes what it revealed. In his 
description the listener obtains the key which unlocks 
a department in his mind never previously explored. 

It is not only possible, but certain, that this process 
can continue in the same manner through eternity. 

The same thing manifests itself in mechanism. One 
man makes a very imperfect machine. Another looks 
at it, discovers its virtues, sees its defects, and suggests 
improvements. The improved machine suggests to 
another mechanic quite a new invention. 

Thus things have passed on after this manner until 
we now have machinery of almost infinite variety. 

All the arts and sciences are the results of what I 
have stated. The present civilization of mankind is 
but the accumulated result of man's experience. As 
the polype deposit calcareous matter as a basis for the 
next generation of polype to work upon, and in the 
course of ages heave up an island in the midst of 
the sea — each generation contributing its mite to the 
structure — so man has had a similar experience. 

Each generation suggests an improvement to the 
succeeding one, until finally the great superstructure 
which is composed of the arts and sciences, the govern- 
ments of the nations, and civilization of the world, 



on, statesman's guide. 15 

presents itself as the grand result of the suggestions, 
the improvements, the experiences and accumulations 
of preceding ages, and which plainly foretell more 
glorious achievements and grander triumphs in the 
coming time. 



16 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



CHAPTER III. 

Rise and Progress of Governments — Possibilities of Human 
Beings — Self-good the Motive of Action — Experiences of 
Man in the Infancy of the Race. 

In this chapter we will take into consideration the 
rise and progress of governments. 

First, we find man possessed of all the possibilities 
in the universe; that is, he has the innate and requi- 
site powers to make of matter all the structures and 
apply it to all the uses for which it has an adapta- 
bility. 

Xhe great rule with man is self-good, that being 
the supreme law or great center around which every 
thin^ is made to revolve. 

Hence his object always is of two good things to 
choose the better ; and of two evil things to choose the 
lesser. 

Therefore, true government is not merely the 
exercising or generating of force, but it is the con- 
trolling of force or forces, and their application so as 
to subserve the highest purposes in securing the 
happiness of man. 

Thus we see in the infancy of the race man had 
no advantage over the brute, except in his constitu- 
tional though still undeveloped nature. But being a 
very god in nature, and destined to govern as a god, 
the internal god hood prompting him, his desires are 
uncontrollable; he becomes restless as a volcano and 
goes forth seeking self-satisfaction. 

To gratify his desire for knowledge and supply 



OR, ST VTESMAN'S GUIDE. 17 

his animal wants, he becomes brutal, savage, and 
ferocious in the extreme. Want being the omnipo- 
tent power, forcing him to action, and he being 
ignorant both of himself and the "external world, he 
makes many mistakes, and great are his sufferings in 
consequence. But the great law of his nature which 
first prompted him to action now comes to his rescue. 

Self-good, happiness, the love of pleasure prompt- 
ing him, and he being ignorant makes bad choice, 
violates the laws of his being, is stung, feels the pain, 
and is miserable. 

He now begins to discern the difference between 
good and evil. 

Having learned wisdom by his folly, he does better 
next time. Whatsoever one man has acquired in 
"knowledge is not lost; his fellows, seeing the ad- 
vantages he has gained by his new art, imitate him 
and even make some improvements. Want is the 
mother of invention, and every invention suggests 
others. Thus has it been in all the ages past, until 
we now, by means of machinery, control the elements 
and make them subserve noble purposes. 

But with the increase of man's knowledge and 
powers, his wants also increased; and being still bar- 
barous, and not knowing in what his self-good con- 
sisted, and having wants his genius could not supply, 
he became a robber, a thief, and murderer. 

Hence war, rapine, and the final necessity of com- 
promise, out of which grew the idea of exchange, which 
is the basis of commerce. 

Hence communities were formed; and the very 
nature of commerce suggested the necessity of gov- 
ernments. 



18 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



CHAPTER IV. 

Government of Force — Formation of Close Communities or 
Cities — Robbery on a More Gigantic Scale — Rise of the 
Military Profession — Civil and Military Orders, etc., etc. 

Government became necessary in order that there 
should be an understanding between the same com- 
munity, as well as between the different communities. 
As those were the days of force, and the people being 
yet but a little above the animals in their development, 
they had to be governed by force. 

The greater force governed or controlled the lesser. 
Bobbery, therefore, was the order of the day; self-good 
prompted the many weak to unite against the few 
strong. The strong, being few in number, in order to 
overcome the multitude were led to invention; hence 
the origin of implements and machinery of war. The 
weak to counterbalance this formed close communities. 
Hence the origin of cities, and for greater security the 
walling of their cities. And as the people were brought 
into close relations, and there being no understood rule 
or law whereby they could be restrained, infringements, 
insults, robberies, and murders were the result. 

Those things becoming intolerable, each sought re- 
dress, especially the weak against the strong. In thus 
doing, they would naturally seek the gigantic in form 
and appearance as leaders; for if they had the will, they 
would possess the power to protect them. 

In order to induce the giant to exercise his protecting 



or, statesman's guide. 19 

care over them, they would divide their substance with 
him. This was an evil, but far less than to fall into the 
hands of marauders. 

Such being the condition of the race at that time, 
their first government had to correspond with their 
development. 

Rude and imperfect, it was the best that man's cir- 
cumstances suggested. The ruler was a monarch, an 
absolute monarch, governing by brute force, and as ab- 
solutely actuated by self-good as his subjects. 

He found it to his interest to protect all, as all assisted 
in administering to his wants. 

As rude and barbarous as this age was, it contained 
the first germs of civilization. At the same time, too, 
the seeds of conservatism and radicalism were planted. 
By their fruits we discover how they have traveled 
down the ages together. 

First, the ruler or tyrant would restrain the stronger 
in his community from robbing or despoiling the weaker, 
at the same time forcing all into some productive labor, 
for the more they possessed the greater would be his 
share. 

But at this period a new order of things is inaugu- 
rated. Men for self-protection have now entered into 
combinations, in place of acting separately as individu- 
als, and communities oppose communities with their 
tyrants at their head. 

Thus the principle and order of robbery is on a more 
gigantic scale. Cities oppose cities, and one community 
robs another. Here we note the rise of what we call 
the military profession; hence society is divided into 
two grand orders, civil and military. The civil con- 
sisted in those members who produced the necessaries 



'10 



KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



of life, which at that epoch in man's existence were 
few and simple. 

The duty of the military power was to protect the 
civil in their duties and avocations. As there is strength 
in combination or concentration of power, the tyrant, 
as a matter of course, became chief of the military 
branch. 



OR, statesman's guide. 21 



CHAPTER V. 

A. New Order Evolved — Political Revolutions — Civil War — • 
Self-good the Omnipotent Principle — It Prompts, yet Cures 
Dissensions — It is Radical, yet Conservative. 

But here a new order is evolved. If man had been 
non -progressive, there would have been peace between 
the tyrant and his subjects. Here we are enabled to 
see how the same principle under different circum- 
stances produces antagonistic results. I mean this, 
which the reader must always keep in mind: Man is 
always governed by the central idea of self good. Posi- 
tive selfishness always rules man; self-good is omnipo- 
tent. J^o man on the face of the earth has ever done 
an act that was not inspired by it. Therefore, we at 
this time see dissensions arising in the community — the 
people and the tyrant are at variance, one with the other. 

There is a cause for this, and we will note it; but be- 
fore we advance we will state that at this point we dis- 
cover the commencement of political, as well as civil 
revolutions in the human family. 

Such has been the general experience of the race. 
The causes were: First, the tyrant lived at his ease, in 
luxury and comparative splendor, at the expense of the 
people. He was happy, contented with his estate, and 
wished no change; consequently was non-progressive 
and conservative. On the other hand, the people in 
their productive labors not only aroused new desires, 
which taxed all their inventive powers to gratify, but. 



22 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



as I said in the introduction, one thing suggested an- 
other, and the whole mind being linked together by 
association, the external world acted as man's educator. 
His thirst for knowledge being insatiable he soon out- 
stripped the tyrant, his genius leading him far in ad- 
vance of his ruler and the policy of the government. 

Hence the increased wants and desires or self good 
of the masses demanded a government corresponding 
with their advanced condition. The ability to furnish 
such is found wanting in their rulers, and .choosing a 
leader from among themselves they rebel. 

The government is alarmed. It bribes the meanest 
of its subjects with promises of plunder, and fierce civil 
war ensues. It is of short duration, however, for the 
masses being united become stronger than the tyrant 
and his minions, the government is overthrown and a 
new one established. 

The new government is begotten by the people and 
accords in every resjDect with the genius of the masses. 

We would naturally think, therefore, that the people 
would be satisfied; and so they are for a time. But 
they change. Being progressive, they ever advance ; 
and what but recently satisfied fully their wants soon 
becomes wholly inadequate, and thus they aspire to 
higher and more congenial conditions. Therefore, gov- 
ernment after government has succeeded each other in 
order to suit the needs of the people. It is just as ab- 
surd to expect them to be satisfied with the conditions 
under which their fathers lived, as to expect a full- 
grown man to wear the clothes of infancy. Man must 
have things commensurate with his wants, and woe be 
unto whatever stands in his way. 

This order of revolution has been repeated tens of 



or, statesman's guide. 23 

thousands of times, every time raising the government 
to a higher plane, there to await the revolution which 
would sweep it out of existence in order to make room 
for something better. 

In this matter I make no reference to those wars of 
conquest by which governments were destroyed by an- 
tagonistic governments, but to those revolutions pro- 
duced by the radical element as opposed to the con- 
servative. 

As I said before, each party is governed by the same 
motive, viz : self-good. The individual governing has 
lived at the expense of the laboring or productive 
classes; hence all his wants were supplied by them; 
and being above want, and there being nothing in his 
surroundings to call forth the innate powers of mind 
or body necessary to cope with the opposing elements, 
his genius and those of the masses do not coincide. 
He belongs to the dead past; they, to the living pres- 
ent. In each case self-interest prompted to action. 
His interests consisted in keeping things as they were, 
which corresponded to his genius and wants; theirs, 
to the improved condition of the masses. This is really 
the cause of all the revolutions the world has ever 
seen. 



24 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



CHAPTER VI. 

Improved Order of Things — Development op Man's Moral 
Nature — Light and Truth Flashing upon Him — He is Rev- 
erent and Awe-struck. 

And here we see the rise of quite a new order of 
things. In all I have written before I have presented 
man as actuated by his animal nature. But now he 
has passed into the lower order of his moral nature, 
which is strongly tinged with the animal, the two 
verging together. The light of truth and justice now 
breaks through the eternal night. In the distance is 
discovered the dawn of a new day; the rosy tints be- 
gin to gild the eastern sky. Man begins to feel rever- 
ent. He looks with awe upon the approaching light. 
Soon the mighty sun rises above the shade of the earth 
of man's animal nature. 

The conscience is born; a theocracy is established; 
henceforth we find two orders of government. 



OR, STATESMAN S GUIDE. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Progressing through Tribulation— A New Era, the Ra- 
tional — Continued Improvements in Government — The Amer- 
ican Revolution — Revolutions Revolutionized — A Pro- 
gressive Government at last Established. 

The whole scene is changed. This last government, 
from ils very nature, becomes more conservative than 
those preceding it; and the people, as a consequence, 
become still more radical. This last element gave 
quite a new impetus to man's progressive nature. In 
place of bringing peace, it was the precursor of war. 
The priests who controlled the government went forth, 
lending their aid to the old tyrant in wars of devasta- 
tion and conquest, saying, " Thus saith the Lord." We 
find that the human family had again to pass through 
revolutions very similar to the first, only much more 
intensified. With the animal and moral powers united 
as a base for government (the truly intellectual in 
man not yet being born), superstition knew no 
bounds. 

Man's burdens at this time were intolerable. The 
evils, the mere consequence of his ignorance, he attrib- 
uted to the curses of heaven. 

We now approach another era — the rational. This 
is near the dawn of the historic period. Many of the 
sciences are evolved. A new inspiration has come 
over all the people. The sun has risen higher in the 
heavens. The logs and mists have in a measure been 
dissipated. From this down through the ages we have 



26 



KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



a meager history of man. Meager indeed, yet the 
mind, by the mighty power of association, is enabled 
to read accurately the true history of the past. 

We will take but a glance at the historic period, that 
period which has shaken the very foundations of all 
things pertaining to man. 

I have given, in the preceding pages, the rules, if 
rightly understood, whereby the true history of. man 
can be read. 

The arts and sciences are they who testify of my 
doctrine when viewed by the laws of association. All 
men are born naturally free and equal, being endowed 
with inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness.. 

There must be, from necessity, many transitions in a 
course from imperfection to perfection. Man holds the 
two extremes in his nature. His constitutional nature 
is perfect, but his experimental or intellectual nature is 
imperfect. It being the great law of his growth that 
he must travel from imperfection to perfection, his 
happiness consists in an unobstructed way. 

What suits him to-day is insufficient to-morrow ; and 
as the pursuit of happiness is his right, he can change 
the programme whenever he pleases. This rule he ap- 
plies to all things. To-day he establishes a govern- 
ment; to-morrow he destroys it, as incongruous or 
unsuited to his condition. The next day he recon- 
structs another. Each time be thinks he has arrived 
at perfection. This inevitable and necessary course is 
what constitutes his right to revolution. 

Thus we see, after the thousands of revolutions, which 
each time placed man upon a higher plane and gave 
him a more congenial government, the American peo- 



or, statesman's guide. 27 

pie, with all the improvements man had ever made, 
with the tens of thousands of years of his experience, 
still were dissatisfied and rebelled against the then best 
government in the world. 

Why? Because they had outgrown it, and it ceased 
to administer to their wants. 

They were successful ; established, a new order of 
things ; and with this commences a new era, the dawn 
of a civilization that will finally save and perfect the 
race. 

But the reader will ask, have the American people 
excluded the idea of the right of revolution from their 
government? I will answer, no; but they have 
changed the entire order of revolutions; have estab- 
lished a constitution whereby the government itself is 
governed. 

In this constitution I recognize but one point of 
perfection, viz: the people being the government, 
when they find anything wrong, have the right to 
right it. 

As small as this seems to be, it is a lever of power 
that will secure all the rest. As "a little leaven leav- 
eneth the whole lump," it will finally establish univer- 
sal peace and achieve man's salvation. 

Here the reader will note one of the great achieve- 
ments of the American Eevolution: it revolutionized 
revolution itself; and what I mean by this: Before the 
American Revolution the people were progressive, 
while the governments were stationary and non-pro- 
gressive — which was the cause of all the previous rev- 
olutions that were marked with blood ; but in the new 
order of things the government itself becomes pro- 
gressive and takes the lead of the people. 



28 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

The government is not fixed, except in that one 
thing: when the people demand a change it must be 
made, whether good or bad. In the next chapter I 
will take a cursory view of what I consider a true 
government. 






or, statesman's guide. 29 



CHAPTER VIII. 

The True Government — Co-operation or. Union of Action — 
Political Wisdom Illustrated by the Bees, etc. 

True government is the exercising of power directed 
by a perfect intelligence, which implies an aim and 
design, an end to be attained, and a knowledge of means 
to ends, or, as the philosophers say, "A knowledge of 
the eternal fitness of things." 

Man, being a creature of wants, has the power, in a 
measure, to satisfy those wants. In a savage state he 
suffers many privations, but in a civilized state he is 
enabled to satisly most of his desires or wants. This is 
in consequence of co-operation or union, wise laws of 
commerce, easy means of transportation, and that kind 
of inspiration which prompts all the productive ener- 
gies of a people. 

These energies must be educated so as to produce the 
best results possible. This implies the idea of the union 
of the masses, for the individuals separately act but in 
one direction, and that direction is dictated To each one 
by his pcculiardevelopment, which constitutes his genius 
or character, the promptings of each one being different, 
as the angles of no two minds are alike. Thus different 
capacities and tastes are constantly manifested. These 
lead to different industries, trades, en ployments, and pro- 
fessions. And so we have carpenters, smiths, shoemakers, 
etc.. a perfect community having the requisite number 
of each. Nature never produces an excess, nor yet a 



30 



deficiency, but is always exact. For an illustration we 
will examine a hive of bees: Nature, through the queen, 
produces eighty thousand eggs, which when hatched 
constitute a community or swarm, there being every 
order of bee necessary to the prosperity of the hive. 
There are just so man}' pollen gatherers, just so many 
gatherers of honey, the requisite number of wax-work 
ers and nurses or feeders, so many drones or males, with 
but just one queen in the whole eighty thousand. This 
is significant of the wonderful precision of nature. 

But we will now take lessons on statesmanship from 
the beehive. But the reader may ask what do you 
see in the order of the bees, which is suggestive of 
political wisdom? I answer much, very much. 

I see a reflection of nature in her perfection, not only 
in the bee, but in the very form of matter we find that 
which is suggestive of order and harmony. Matter 
hath in its particles every form the mind conceives of — 
the angle, triangle, quadrangle, hexagon, octagon, and 
rhomboid, with many peculiar forms which mind knows 
but little of. These being indestructible and positive in 
their forms, and yet subject to a more comprehensive 
power, the great type of all t} 7 pes, a form of all f6rms, 
attracting all others and distributing them according to 
the "eternfll fitness of things," the circle is formed — 
the type of perfection. 

The term, "eternal fitness of things," or, as Harris 
expresses it, the all-sufficiency, means this: Matter in 
its infinity of classes and forms, with their surrounding 
aurce, are fitted and sufficient to fill all forms up to the 
perfect circle, which is the type of a perfect mind. 

The angle represents a mind developed only in one 
direction; the hexagon and octagon represent certain 



or, statesman's guide. 31 

groups of faculties; the rhomboid a segment. But they 
all together represent or fill the circle. Here we find 
the basis of true statesmanship. This thing is amply 
illustrated by the bee-hive as before stated. 

Each bee has its own peculiar bent of disposition, 
being determined by its constitutional nature. It will 
always act in that peculiar direction. And all the bees, 
with their various peculiarities and efforts, when com- 
bined, constitute the store of the hive, which satisfies all 
the wants of the swarm. It fills the circle. 

But here comes the wonderful mystery. Each bee, 
left alone, would not work, neither w r ould altogether, 
without an inspiring cause. There seems to be the 
want of a connecting influence in order that they may 
co-operate. Just so matter in its angular forms would 
always remain, were it not for the type of the circle, 
the perfect form to which eveiy atom aspires. 

The power that is contained in the circle, which in- 
spires the particles to co-operate in filling it, is analogous 
to that contained in the queen bee. 

Now let the reader pay strict attention to what I 
have to say. The queen is the mother of all the swarm, 
and the combined qualities and attributes possessed by 
the individual bees separately are concentrated in her. 
Hence she is the ruler or inspirer of all, and without her 
all is anarchy. 

Take her from the hive, and you take all energy and 
inspiration away with her, but when she returns each 
bee is re-inspired. 

It is after this order: Her aura is so large that all 
the bees are embraced within it. The aura is filled 
with a peculiar vitality, which acts as an animus, and 
the instant a bee comes within its magnetism it is in- 



32 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

spired to action and in the direction of the angle of its 
nature. 

Thus we see that in a hive of fifty or one hundred 
thicknesses of comb, the moment the queen enters 
every one knows it. They feel her influence and are 
prompted to go to work — the wax- worker to his wax, 
the nurses to the young larvce, the honey and pollen 
gatherers fly out into the fields ,and forests in quest of 
that which their nature prompts them to obtain. 

The reader is now prepared to hear something in re- 
gard to the qualifications of a statesman, which I will 
give. I will, then, present some of the rules whereby 
they can be distinguished from ordinary men ; also, the 
means a true statesman would employ to redeem man 
from the evils which have grown out of false legislation, 
especially the curses of poverty and the social evil. 

I have said that the individuals in society are like 
the bees in their angularities, each one working after 
his peculiar angle; and his works are the monuments 
of his genius, and bear a certain relation to the gen- 
eral wants of society. 

The productions of each, as various as they seem, 
when combined, fill the measure of the wants of the 
whole community. I care not how peculiar a man 
may be, his angularity fills a certain point in the eir- 
cle, and is absolutely necessary thereto. Those who 
have several angles developed represent the hexagon, 
or so much of an advance toward the statesman. Their 
use in the circle is to boss or oversee the other angles 
and unite them into groups. 

The person that represents the rhomboid unites 
the overseers and groups them into a segment of the 
circle. 



or, statesman's guide. 33 

Then comes the chief, who represents the circle. 

He unites all in himself. In development he far sur- 
passes them all. 

He reaches as high as he can, makes a mark for the 
nation to aspire to, and seeks to draw them up to the 
exalted plane of his own development. 

As the queen bee, he has all the qualifications of each 
individual separately as well as combined. In him 
are United all the forces of man. He stands, as it were, 
upon the top of a high tower, and can, with a glance, 
take in all the surroundings. He sees all, comprehends 
all, and gathers the heterogeneous matter, the product 
of each trade and industry, into one whole; and from it 
deduces or gathers a force which is the basis of govern- 
ment. This he applies for the benefit of the whole 
community; not robbing one class for the benefit of 
another, but each being benefited alike. 

He is the man of wisdom, a true statesman. Now, 
as I said before, in every lot of eggs laid by the queen 
bee, there was one queen to govern the rest. So in 
every community there must be one person indued 
with the qualities of a statesman, or else the essential 
thing constituting a community is lacking. 

But here is just where all the nations have erred. 
They could not distinguish between the true statesman 
and the demagogue. Demagogues by false legislation 
have nearly shipwrecked humanity, and have occa- 
sioned incalculable misery in the world. But the 
question will be asked, is there no rule by which one 
can be distinguished from the other? Yes, there are 
several, which will be presented in the next chapter. 



34 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



CHAPTER IX. 

How to Distinguish the True Statesman from the Dema- 
gogue — The Necessity, of All Being upon Equal Terms — 
The Effect of Protective Tariffs. 

The true statesman can be easily recog-nized and dis- 
tinguished from the mere politician or demagogue. 
First, the true statesman never seeks office. Ho is 
conscious of his capacities, but allows his talents to 
recommend him. Second, he confers honor upon the 
office, while the demagogue expects to be honored by 
it; but by his lack of ability disgraces any office he 
may hold. Third, phrenology, physiognomy, psy- 
chometry will aid us. But of these I will speak more 
at length hereafter. 

The duty of the statesman is to travel between ses- 
sions into all the departments of his country, and make 
himself acquainted with the genius of the people, their 
wants, and the natural resources, of the country. He 
should also travel through foreign lands; study the 
genius of their people; their resources, developed or 
undeveloped ; thereby discovering the natural relations, 
not only of their resources, but of their people with 
those of his own land; for a true statesman's business 
is not confined solely to his own country, but extends 
throughout the world. 

Thus he can exclaim, with the best statesman the 
world ever saw, " The world is my country, and to do 
good is my religion." 



OR, statesman's guide. 35 

But the demagogue will take quite a different course. 
As soon as the session is closed, and he receives his sal- 
aiy, he resorts to dissipation ; spending his time in 
frivolity, if not in actually vile places, with associates as 
vain, shallow, and unprincipled as himself; and when 
the session is resumed he returns with no new 
acquirements, but weakened both in body and mind. 

Those who select candidates for the people to vote 
for, should be capable of discerning between the true 
and the false. The. latter never should be selected, and 
those who put them forward are in the highest degree 
criminal. 

The object of elections, at least in "America, is to 
avoid having incompetent rulers; a thing which 
ofttimes occurs in an hereditary monarchy. The father, 
the reigning monarch, may be an able statesman, whilo 
the son is a worthless sot. 

But in a country vast as America, there are always 
statesmen of the first class to be found. And, in order 
to obtain the best, it has been thought wise to let the 
people choose their own rulers. 

Thus in order to find the best, I would advise a con- 
vention of phrenologists, physiognomists, and psychom- 
etrists to be held, composed of delegates chosen by the 
people. This convention should examine in person 
those present, or receive busts and photographs of those 
absent who were recommended for office, and intelli- 
gently and conscientiously pronounce upon their quali- 
fications and character; and carefully make a selection 
of the required number of candidates to be placed 
before the people. 

After the choice, and the officers are inaugurated, 
there should be connected with the government a de- 



36 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE J 



partment of phrenology and psychometry, so that all 
applicants could send their photographs, presenting 
front, side, and back views of their heads. 

If, when examined by those appointed for the pur- 
pose, they be found all right, their photographs should 
be deposited in the office for future reference, and their 
owners invited to take office. But if the examination 
prove unfavorable, the photographs should be returned 
to their owners as a token that their services were not 
desirable. It is useless to expect to have a perfect 
government without all the appliances of modern 
science. You might as well expect a man to be a phi- 
losopher who possesses half a head or inferior brains. 
I have perhaps said enough of the qualifications of a 
statesman. 

We will now examine the evil effects of false legisla- 
tion, or the abuse of power. We will only pay atten- 
tion to matters on this continent after the establishment 
of the American Republic. 

The object of the republic was to establish an equality 
among the citizens, no one to have any privilege over 
another; and the intentions were to keep them as near 
equal in personal matters as the circumstances would 
permit, and by wise and just legislation to make the 
Americans a peculiar people. 

First, to raise them up to a high plane of humanity, 
and by their example to affect all mankind, and 
thereby to establish a better civilization throughout the 
world. The first and most important object was to es- 
tablish an equality; for the founders well knew the 
curses of poverty and the danger to liberty of excessive 
wealth in the hands of a few. Therefore, the govern- 
ment abolished all privileged classes and monopolies. 



or, statesman's guide. 37 

looking upon the two extremes of poverty and wealth 
as equally dangerous to liberty. They also knew that 
wealth was the price of labor, and that labor was the 
true standard of value; and as long as men received 
their just dues there would be no want or poverty, and 
the republic would live. 

They also were aware that if the government should 
depart from this and confer special benefits upon indi- 
viduals, then our liberties would be in danger and the 
republic would be superseded by a monarchy or aris- 
tocracy, for men would cease to be equal and the rich 
would govern the poor. It would divide the people 
into classes with antagonistic interests. The people 
would cease to be the government — a minority would 
rule. Demagogues have done all they could to break 
duwn the republic, and have succeeded. I regret to say 
it, the republic is gone; and* one of the most corrupt 
aristocracies the world ever saw now occupies its place. 

Soon alter the government commenced there were 
two principles presented to those in power, and not 
only to them but to the whole American people. 

As the prophet said to Israel, "Choose ye this day 
which ye will serve, God or Baal," so the choice of re- 
publicanism or aristocracy was presented to the peo- 
ple by their mottoes. 

If they should say labor shall be the standard of 
honor, then the republic shall live ; but if wealth, then 
the republic will die, and an aristocracy shall take its 
place. Fool-like they chose wealth, and heaven shed 
tears and hell groaned, and our government has ever 
since fostered aristocracy, setting its heels upon the 
poor. 

This cursed idea has ruined and demoralized the peo- 



38 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

pie — for to what depth will not man stoop in order to 
gain wealth. With wealth he is in high esteem, no 
matter how ohtained. It is the key to all power. It 
unlocks the door to what is called refined society; a}~e, 
and what else does it not do? I mean the desire for 
wealth. It places a demagogue in the presidential 
chair, or a knave or a fool. It acts the same with all 
the offices in the land, until we might exclaim with one 
of old, " It is written my father's house shall be called 
the house of prayer, but ye have made it a den of 
thieves." 

This is emphatically true of our country. The poor 
are robbed for the benefit of the rich. Look at our 
penitentiaries, our gallows and minor hells, and even 
the social evil, are all traced to this source. This I will 
prove before I am done. 

But first we must show what would have been the 
condition if the opposite motto had been adopted. 
Men and women would have been esteemed for their 
true worth or the abilities they possessed of conferring 
happiness on others, and the mites they added to the 
national or common wealth. They would have been 
favored according to the degree of benefit their labors 
enabled them to confer on others. There would have 
been a motive to call forth the highest possible aspira- 
tions. 

Men and women would have sought to achieve per- 
fection in all their callings. We would have found a 
proficiency in everything. The physician would not 
have been a quack ; the lawyer, a villain or demagogue ; 
the priest, a hypocrite; the mechanic, a bungler; the 
merchant, a polished liar and adroit thief; the banker, 
an unprincipled robber; the farmer, a land pirate, and 



OR, statesman's guide. 39 

the president the chief amons; ten thousand villians — of 
coarse I have no reference to any president especially. 
The reverse of this would have been the order, and the 
highest perfection would have distinguished every 
trade and profession. 

It seems strange at first sight that so small a devia- 
tion should work out so mighty a difference; the one 
to lead to perfection and happiness; the other, to de- 
struction and misery. Such, however, is the fact, which 
I will endeavor to trace out in detail. 

First, we will note the physician. A father has a 
child in whom he beholds the latent qualities to 
become a first-class physician ; and being under a gov- 
ernment and among a people that make wealth their 
standard of honor, being prompted, not by the love of 
science, or the honor of excelling and contributing to 
science by new discoveries — these things not being held 
in such high repute with the public as money — there- 
fore, his whole aspiration is to amass wealth, and his 
inspiration how to obtain money. 

Now the reader will see this young student is not 
actuated by the love of the science he is studying, but 
the "almighty dollar" is forever before his eyes. What, 
then, is the consequence? Why, his excessive greed 
forces him to study, and his natural talents being in 
the line of the medical profession, he could not make 
so much, in so short a time, by anything else. Money, 
money, money ; the idea haunts him day and night. 
Oh ! how he longs to roll in wealth, flourish in upper- 
tendom, and receive the smiles of the elite. 

He is already morally dissipated with the mere idea 
and lust for wealth. 

The consequence is, he learns the technicalities of 



40 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE J 

the science; gets a moderate knowledge of anatomy and 
physiology; a smattering of chemistry; and by this 
time his patience is gone, he can wait no longer. 

He announces himself as a practical physician, and 
the community is cursed by another quack. He is so 
much absorbed in getting money that he ceases to 
study to master the science, much less to excel and 
evolve new principles whereby the world might be 
blessed and he become a master to be studied by com- 
ing generations. 

The same result follows in all other cases, and the 
nation that falls into this error will retrogade until it 
arrives at anarchy and final oblivion. They will cease 
to excel either in the arts or sciences. They will be un- 
able to compete in the world's markets with those men 
of other nations who are inspired with nobler aspira- 
tions, viz : to become inventors of useful machinery or 
discoverers of scientific principles hitherto unknown, 
whereby the human race will be benefited, and adding 
them to the great pyramid of the world's attainments 
in civilization for future generations to read, as a link 
in the associations which mark man's progress. I say 
they are driven out of the markets of the world by the 
votaries of the arts and sciences. The one goes down 
to oblivion; the other rises to the highest pinnacle of 
greatness. This has been repeated many times in the 
history of the ages, and is now repeating itself on a 
grand scale in the United States and Mexico. Mexico 
in a few years will cease to be numbered among the 
nations. The above is the true cause of her decline, 
and it should admonish us to learn wisdom from others' 
follies as well as our own. I say Mexico should be, and 
is, a lesson to the true statesman. The United States 



or, statesman's guide. 41 

government transcends Mexico in the exact ratio that it 
has kept those laws or adopted the order of civilization 
which I said would elevate a nation. The United 
States have attained a state of prosperity which no 
other nation in the history of the ages ever attained. 

But still they have not reached the climax of national 
greatness possible for them to attain. The American 
government is now in the most critical j>eriod of its 
history. This is the point in which she needs the 
wisdom of the true statesman. She much resembles 
the two brothers and their sister in the "Arabian 
Nights." Others sought on the top of the mountains 
the prize of the singing tree, the talking bird, and yel- 
low water. Victory or death is the motto. The two 
brothers attempted it and failed, as millions have be- 
fore. But Panzade, the sister, being inspired with 
love for the race and intense love for her brothers, 
sought the Genii, who acquainted her with all the dan- 
gers of the journey and gave her the full laws of suc- 
cess. She started, and met with woeful trials. She 
knew the law and remembered the injunctions of the 
Genii. She was inspired with love for the human race, 
therefore never forgot the rule of conduct prescribed 
by the Genii. Onward, still onward, upward, still up- 
ward, she ascended the mountain. Trials and dangers 
thickened as she advanced. Not one in a million but 
would have been overcome. 

Yet she was the one, of all her race, who could ac- 
complish the feat. She succeeded and attained the 
prize. 

On her return she was surprised by the black peb- 
bles lying by the wayside. They were the souls of 



42 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE ; 

those who before, in attempting to attain the prize, had 
lost their lives. 

But she had the remedy in her own hands. It con- 
sisted in the very prize she had won. She poured 
some of the yellow water on each of the black pebbles 
and they lived again. 

This adventure illustrates the course of the United 
States. If she fails, she becomes one of those black 
pebbles lying by the wayside in the history of the ob- 
literated nations which have failed to attain perfection 
and have become a warning to all true statesmen. 

I have said there is a way for her salvation, but her 
dangers at this time are imminent. For this reason : 
She has departed from her first declaration, that all 
men are born free and equal, and are endowed with 
certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness. In order to have car- 
ried this out, in the compact of the states, or the con- 
stitution, there was to be no privileged classes, no mo- 
nopolies; but all men were to have an equal chance in 
pursuing their course to happiness. The duty of the 
government was to protect all and to restrain those 
who would violate any of those rules. But instead of 
this, the government commenced the one-sided legisla- 
tion in favor of the rich. Monopolies were granted 
favors in the shape of tariffs, in order to enable the 
manufacturers of America to compete with those of 
Europe. As wealth is the result of labor, and this 
tariff is a tax on the labor of European manufacturers, 
and is taken out of their employes' wages, they are 
made miserably poor. 

The American consumer pays the excess which is 
received by the manufacturers. I do not mean that 



or, statesman's guide. 43 

the American manufacturer gets the tariff. The gov- 
ernment gets that. 

This enables the American manufacturer to raise the 
price of his articles to within a shade of the price of 
the European, with the tariff added thereto. 

This addition is what the American consumer pays 
the American manufacturer. 

Some will say that this is an advantage to the Amer- 
can employe, for it enables his employer to pay him 
higher wages. 

This would seem so at first sight, but it is a short- 
sighted statesman that can not see its falsity. 

The world after all is but one county. Commerce 
unites us all as one people. As we do to others, so will 
it_return to us. There is an old adage, that " chick- 
ens will come home to roost." So our wrongs to others 
will fall back upon ourselves. Imeanthis: Welayhigh 
tariffs on European commodities to enable our manu- 
facturers to enrich themselves. The European, in 
order to compete with us, reduces the wages to the 
lowest possible degree, which produces poverty in the 
extreme; so much so that our demagogues point to it 
as an argument in favor of high tariffs. 

But the fact is they produce the very effect that they 
pretend they are trying to avoid, viz : the poverty and 
slavery of the American employe. 

It is brought about after this order: The European, 
by his low wages, is forced to forego all the luxuries of 
life; he is not able to educate himself or family; and, 
as a last resort, he comes to America. Our iniquity 
is visited upon us. What we have sown we now reap. 
We, by our short-sighted, unrighteous legislation, have 



44 



robbed him of his clues; and, although in a foreign 
country, we have made him poor. 

He is attracted to us by the high wages our manu- 
facturers are enabled to pay in consequence of the 
tariff he had to pay. One party hails him with joy, 
while the other receives him with groans. The capi- 
talist rejoices, for he can use the European in competi- 
tion with the American artisan, who is forced to a 
reduction of wages, ranging about half-way between 
what he ought to receive and what the European got 
at home. 

The latter has been bettered while the former has 
been worsted, and the final result will be a permanent 
injury to both, and will produce their mutual destruc- 
tion. And for what has all this been brought about? 
Why that a few might become immensely rich. Can 
men who represent the American people in Congress, 
and see the consequence of such acts and help to pass 
them, be honest? Are they ignoramuses, or are they 
traitors to the people they represent? Do they not 
know that the object of the American government is to 
raise man up to the highest possible plane of humanity, 
and that that can only be done when men receive the 
highest education, and are as far as possible removed 
from physical want? And do they not know that, 
to maintain a true republic, men must be as near as 
possible equal in all these matters? And further, 
do they not know that wealth is the basis of all these; 
and that it is the duty of all true governments to see 
that all have a fair and equal chance; and when they 
destroy this equilibrium they destroy the government? 
If so, how can they give to corporations, such as rail- 
road companies, the lands, the natural patrimony of 



or, statesman's guide. 45 

the people, and give it, too, by the tens of millions 
of acres, thereby making three-fourths of the people 
homeless? 

By this policy of our statesmen, the wealth of the 
country is now in the hands of the few. The great 
majority of the people are poor, and with the still 
greater influx of the poorer classes of Europe, they are 
becoming fit tools for the enslavement of each other. 
Does this look like a pleasing prospect of the future of 
the republic? Slavery by statute is far more tolerablo 
than slavery by necessity. Therefore, those few ex- 
cessively rich have the poor at their mercy, and by this 
means can even govern the government itself. Docs 
this look hopeful for the future of America ? 

Ah ! but it is said that the lands become more valuable 
by the construction of railroads, and are, as a conse- 
quence, worth much more. The roads are a benefit to 
the people by the facilities they render to commerce. 
To this I do not object. My objections are of another 
kind. It widens the already great disproportions of 
wealth between the citizens. It makes the rich richer, 
enabling them to control the interests of the poor; and 
the poor, as a consequence, become still poorer. 



46 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE. 



CHAPTER X. 

The Same Subject Continued — Great Wealth and Extreme 
Poverty Dangerous to the Liberties of the People — Cause 
of the Social Evil — False Legislation. 

When you see great monuments of wealth, they are 
a positive evidence of a corresponding degree of pov- 
erty among the masses, which is very dangerous to the 
liberties of the people. A general pecuniary compe- 
tence is the sure guaranty of liberty and independence. 
ft is the statesman's duty to maintain these as far as 
possible, for when man is in want he becomes servile 
just in proportion to his wants; the rich have the 
means to control him either for good or evil. If his 
wants are extreme, he, like Esau, may even sell his 
birthright, his liberty, and his honor. 

He will not hesitate to injure his fellows, or join in a 
conspiracy against the state. I said, in the outset of 
these essays, want is the prompting motive to action, 
and self-good the directing principle; "that of two 
evils man will always choose the lesser, and of two 
goods will always choose the better." That is, I mean, 
his motive, although he often takes the worst for want 
of better knowledge. The statesman, therefore, sees 
the necessity of a thorough and general education of 
the masses. 

A true republic can not exist without the mass of 
the citizens are educated and enlightened. 

The status of the republic will correspond with the 
grade of the intelligence of its citizens. 



or, statesman's guide. 47 

But let us trace the evils of excessive wealth in the 
individual and corporation: that is, the evil influence 
upon the government and liberties of the people. 

Eailroad companies or other corporate bodies, or pri- 
vate individuals having great interests, according to the 
extent thereof, employ lobbyists or interested congress- 
men to push forward their schemes by the national legis- 
lation, and a sufficient majority is always secured by 
large expenditures of money, if not directly in the shape 
of bribes, in a way which answers the same purpose 
and is equivalent in all respects to direct bribes. 

This comes from the fact that wealth is set up as the 
standard of honor, and there always being members 
enough who thirst for more wealth, they vote in the 
interest of their pockets, many of them, doubtless, owing 
their positions to the money expended in corrupting 
voters to secure their election, with the ultimate idea of 
their becoming willing tools in legislating favorably to 
such railroads or other great pecuniary interests. And 
here we see the corrupting influence of money in our 
elections. Since wealth is the standard of honor, what 
young man with superior talents can resist the tempta- 
tion to snap at the hook baited with ten or fifty thou- 
sand dollars, for a vote, especially when eternal secrecy 
is promised. 

Suppose twenty votes were requisite to carry a meas- 
ure where fifty or one hundred millions were involved; 
it would pay to expend fifty thousand upon each, making 
one million in all. Of course it could be afforded, for it 
would not amount to more than one or two per cent, at 
the most of the profits of the investment. 

The same corrupting rule and practice can be, and 
unquestionably is, carried out in minor jobs in every 



48 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

department of the government. Corrupt members of 
congress, other legislative and representative bodies, 
and also men holding public positions in almost every 
department of the state and national governments, are 
ready for a consideration to subserve the purposes of 
great corporations or large capitalists. 

The truth is, they sell the interests of their constituents 
or the general interests of the country to individuals or 
corporations, and the poor working men have finally to 
foot the bill. 

These men are worse than Esau, for they are not 
satisfied with selling their own moral birthright, but 
they barter away the pecuniary interests of the nation, 
binding upon the people burdens that will finally rob 
them of their liberties, their honor, and their all. 

The first great error was: The government permitted 
the citizens to acquire large tracts of land, ten to one 
hundred times larger than actual wants required. They 
could do nothing of themselves with such immense 
tracts, as other men had equal chance with them. They 
were therefore forced, they thought, to invade other 
lands, capture a foreign race, enslave them, and pit 
their labor against the poor, landless white man. Here 
we see the seeds of evil were planted, the terrible re- 
sults of which we have been and are still reaping, and 
from the influence of which we may yet suffer destruc- 
tion. All depends now upon whether we elect states- 
men or demagogues to fill the national offices. 

One of the great evils which resulted from slavery 
was the degradation of labor, the consequence of which 
was the poor white man also became a slave. 

There were then two orders of slavery instituted. 
The fir3t by statute, which made the black man a chat- 



or, statesman's guide. 49 



tel or mere piece of property, while the white man be- 
came a slave by necessity in consequence of African 
slavery. Of the two the latter was the most intolerable. 

The first form of servitude is now abolished by statute, 
thereby greatly enlarging the second order. The negro 
ceases to be a slave by law and is now one from neces- 
sit3 T , which is far worse than his previous condition. 
To use a homely, though forcible expression, he has 
been thrown from the frying-pan into the fire. 

In the first regimen his master had to care for him, 
but now he is forced to take care of himself, with ap- 
parently no opportunities to do so. 

Thus the fearful condition has been produced among 
the American people of one class being made fit tools to 
enslave another, especially since the wealth of the 
country is in so few hands. 

Poverty begets ignorance, ignorance begets servility, 
and servility is that disposition which serves him who 
pays the best. Thus the man who has the most money 
has the greatest power, and can control the greatest 
number of men. Let a true statesman look at this and 
he will shudder for America. Are these all the evils 
the matter has produced ? No, no. This is just the be- 
ginning of the sad relation. The penitentiary, the gal- 
lows, the work house, the almshouse, the hospitals, the 
saloons or pits of hell, and the social evil are the legiti- 
mate offspring and results of fa]se legislation, the work 
of demagogues. Like Esau, he has about sold out, not 
himself alone, but his constituents also. 

But the reader will ask, how can you prove that all 
those evils followed as a consequence of the nation be- 
traying her trust in not securing homesteads to the 
people, which were their just due, and by inaugurating 



50 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

slavery, thereby degrading labor, and thus setting up 
wealth as the standard of honor? Ask any man in 
prison why he is there? and he will tell you that want 
prompted him to commit the act for which he is punished. 
If you ask him to explain, he will say, "I, like all other 
men, preferred the society of the honorable, and wish- 
ing to extricate myself from the disreputable, or, in other 
words, poor society, and knowing that wealth was the 
only passport to that society, and also knowing that if 
once rich there would be no questions asked how the 
wealth was obtained, I played the part of the thief, 
but not being so adroit as most merchants, or, in other 
words, I being a small thief, comparatively speaking, 
was convicted of larceny, and here I am." 

Or, he will say, " I was not a professional man," or 
if so, " was unsuccessful." He will say, " I tried several 
things thinking to become rich by honorable means, 
but found that other men were actuated as I was, and 
competition made them sharp. I failed in every attempt 
because others were too sharp for me. At last I con- 
cluded that as every branch of business was a sleek 
mode of robbing, cheating was honorable. I therefore 
concluded that stealing was but very little worse, pro- 
vided a man was not caught in the act, and so I adopted 
stealing as the only chance left me." 

" But, sir, I was as unfortunate in my last attempt at 
getting wealth, as in the first, and here I am, dressed in 
the zebra of state." All the rest will tell you the same. 
Some will trace their bad dispositions to pre-natal con- 
ditions begotten by the surroundings of their ancestors, 
the effect resulting from previous false legislation. The 
social evil in nine cases out of ten is caused by poverty. 
Those who follow it from choice seem impelled to do so 



or, statesman's guide. 51 

against their better judgment, the disposition being 
imparted before birth. 

It is the effect of that cursed desire for wealth which 
causes the mother to marry not for love but for money. 
So in the time of gestation or formation of the fetus, the 
woman never having had any love for her husband, 
lusts after another. 

This is entailed on the infant, because the organs of 
amativenness are continually active, thereby producing 
an excessive development of the same organs in the 
child. 

By the same process natural drunkards are begotten ; 
that is, by the unsatiated desire for intoxicating drinks. 
Natural thieves and murderers are conceived in the 
same way ; in fact, evil propensities of every nature and 
kin-d can be and are imparted to children anterior to 
birth, the result of the surrounding circumstances 
operating more especially upon the mother. 

But to return to the social evil. I say the tenth part 
who are in that line of life, not by poverty, but lust, 
from very love of that mode of life, are the victims of 
bad legislation, in setting up a false standard of honor, 
and thereby dividing the people into classes and dis- 
tinctions, when the Declaration of Independence says, 
All men are naturally free and equal. 

The government made them three-fourths slaves and 
one-fourth masters. And the one-fourth are also slaves 
to the excessive desire for wealth. And this thing is 
called a republic. Shame on the American people for 
the abuse of the name. 



52 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



CHAPTER XI. 

The United States a Republic only on Paper — Hew to Cor- 
rect THE EESULTS OF FALSE LEGISLATION QUALIFICATIONS OF 

the True Statesman, he Possessing Superhuman Powers — 
Mode of Civil Reform — The Enabling Act. 

The American government, on paper, is almost a per- 
fect republic. In its administration, however, it is an 
aristocracy, and, I think, it is fast tending toward a 
monarchy. 

The reader will now say, you have shown us the 
faults of the government and the evil effects of false 
legislation. We know things are bad enough, but 
where and what are your remedies? 

The means are ample; the reasources illimitable. 
All that is wanted is the right man to engineer the 
government. The government has been misdirected, 
a>ad an entirely new policy must be inaugurated. 

But first we must find a true statesman. Like the 
Israelites, we must find our Saul, a head and shoulders 
taller in statesmanship than any one we have ever had; 
or like the Thebans, we must know where to find our 
Epaminondas; or as Eome, her Cincinnatus. It is not 
so hard in these days to find those giant minds as it 
was anciently. We have the benefit of phrenology, 
physiognomy, psychology, and psychometry ; and there 
are many now who possess the gift of Samuel, even in 
a much higher degree, who could select the true states- 
man from ten millions of men without erring once in a 
thousand trials. 



or, statesman's guide. 53 



In the preceding pages I have described the true states- 
man minutely. I will merely add here the true states- 
man is possessed of a superhuman mind, and must be as 
near a perfect reflex of the great Divine mind as possible. 

He is endowed with a forecast of mind by which he 
can see all future exigencies, and, at the same time, can 
span the circle of the present; all the resources and 
relationships of men and things, and- their wants and 
how to satisfy them out of present resources, without 
violating the law "of the eternal fitness of things." 

I say he must have forecast sufficient to discern 
future exigencies or coming events, and must know 
how to shape matters, so that in place of being destruc- 
tive they may be turned to advantage, and that out 
of apparent evil he may be able to educe good. 

Such an individual is a true statesman. A man 
without forecast lacks the first and most essential quali- 
fication of the statesman. The first duty, therefore, of 
the American is to seek out his statesman and then to 
elect him to office. Here ends his trouble, for the 
statesman will rectify the whole matter. He is as 
honest as he is wise; he is a God in human form. As 
a true physician he will heal the political wounds 
the quack statesman has made. He will bring order 
out of disorder and chaos; harmony out of discord, and 
vigorous, health}- life out of political death. When the 
people have accomplished the grand duty of electing 
such a man to office, they can safely, yes proudly, 
await with patience the certain progress of reform. 

The staiesman, after he is inaugurated and has at- 
tained power, looks over the departments of the empire 
or republic, as the case may be. He scrutinizes 
matters closely, not only to see the possible resources 



5i 



at his command, but to see what the wants of the peo- 
ple are, whether from previous abases of their rulers or 
lack of opportunity to exercise their latent powers. 
He brings all within the scope of his giant mind. All 
are present. He weighs them in the scale of positive 
exactitude, and with unerring precision appoints and 
directs all things in the state for the highest good of 
the people. 

He knows the proper course to reconstruct an abused 
empire is to search and find the point at which his pre- 
decessors departed from the path of true statesmanship. 
In the case of America, he would find them just where 
I said they were. First, in granting privileges to 
some not common to all ; and just in proportion as 
they received extra benefits therefrom the rest were 
robbed. Just at this point he would commence his re- 
form. As slavery, by statute, is now annulled, he 
would remove the cause which produced it, thereby 
laying the foundation to finally remove all slavery 
from necessity. He is wise enough to know that all 
the evils that afflict us as a people spring from this 
cause. The first act was not only a partaking of the 
forbidden fruit, according to both the Declaration of 
Independence and the Constitution of the United 
States, but it was the planting of a political upas tree, 
which has grown and spread until its poisonous influ- 
ence has almost — what? Driven the Goddess of Liberty 
from our land. 

Mode op Eeform. 

1. No more land to be given to corporations. 

2. No more land to be sold to individuals. 

3. To guarantee to every citizen a homestead. 



or, statesman's guide. 55 



4. The highest amount of land any one could receive 
being one hundred and sixty acres. 

5. No one already possessing a sufficient amount of 
land to be permitted to obtain any of the public 
domain. 

6. An enabling act — which I will explain fully in the 
succeeding pages. 

7. No one who ever entered the military academy 
and took orders should be eligible to fill any civil office, 
either by vote of the people or appointment by the 
government; their promotion to be in the military de- 
partment only. 

I have often wondered why there should be such 
great peace in heaven as theologians inform us reigns 
there, especially when they tell us that man carries all 
his- attributes and powers with him into that kingdom. 

But when I reflect upon the laws and government 
that obtain there I am not astonished, for no man can 
acquire more than he positively needs; what he needs 
he receives with just enough exertion to make it a 
pleasure to obtain it; and their commerce consists in 
the exchange of moral and intellectual ideas, so that 
he that gives still retains the same article with consid- 
erable interest added thereto, which interest is not re- 
ceived from the one to whom he gave the benefit, but 
from the Great Universal Banker, Nature's king. 

So if this be the case, and peace reigns as a conse- 
quence, then I infer that the want of those conditions 
with us is the cause of all our troubles, and that a true 
statesman, being subject to the divine inspirations of 
nature will pattern after her. 

Therefore, to mitigate our wants, after he has insti- 



56 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

tuted the first five acts, he applies himself to the sixth, 
viz: the enabling act. 

This act is passed by the congress of true statesmen 
(for it is presumed we have dispensed with the dema- 
gogues). 

The Enabling Act. 

The enabling act is after this order: A certain per 
cent, of the taxes of the nation, say to the amount of 
twenty-five millions, or, if that is not enough, then fifty 
millions of dollars, annually, to be applied in enabling 
those who are unable, for want of means, to occupy 
their proportion of land, for the land, without the 
means to cultivate it, is worthless to them. And to 
guard against imposition by worthless men, who wouid 
seek to defraud the nation and not occupy or cultivate 
the land after they had received the necessary assist- 
ance, but would squander it in dissipation, there should 
be an act passed authorizing an officer in each county 
to grant certificates to applicants. This officer would 
require testimon} 7 of honesty and ability on the part of 
the applicant to fulfill the duties required. Such appli- 
cant to be stout, healthy, and the head of a family. 
No single man to obtain a certificate. This would in- 
duce honest young men to immediately seek wives, 
which would greatly conduce to moral elevation and 
purity. 

I have inquired among the thousands of young men 
in boarding houses why they did not marry and keep 
house themselves, and the invariable answer was, that 
they were not able to get a home and raise a family as 
it should be; and as to living in poverty, enslaving a 
woman, and raising a set of children in ignorance and 



OR, STATESMAN S GUIDE. 



want, to be a curse to society, they considered it a sin 
against nature. 

But under the proposed new order of things all would 
be different. The } T oung man would receive a homo 
already prepared, with means to go to work, the only 
requisite being that he obtain a wife. 

The consequence would be that no industrious young 
woman would fail of an opportunity to become a wife. 

There would be two beneficial results accomplished 
at one time. First, girls, who by their poverty might 
be forced into houses of ill-fame, would receive good 
husbands, resulting finally, and doubtless in a few 
years, in the obliteration of the social evil; and second, 
it would change the relations between capital and la- 
bor. It would take from the workshops and common 
labor of Cincinnati alone at least five thousand work- 
ing men annually for years to come, thereby changing 
the relations of the working men and capitalists. 

There would be a competition between capitalists to 
obtain working men, while now the competition is be- 
tween the men themselves who seek employment. 

Here we see the dawn of a new era. The light begins 
to break through the clouds; darkness is fleeing before 
its rays, for our political Messiah hath said, Let there 
be light! and the light is coming to illuminate the land. 
The social evil is gone; woman is saved; the chain of 
slavery b} T which the capitalists bound labor is broken; 
monopolies are all killed; the penitentiary is empty. 
We have no poor; the almshouse has no inmates; the 
hospital is gone, and the people shout hallelujah 1 for 
the great republic is again established. 



58 



CHAPTER XII. 

More about the Enabling Act for the Benefit of the Poor 
— Protection for the Poor merely an act of Justice. 

In this chapter I will more fully explain the enabling 
act, as in speaking of its results our attention was di- 
verted from the act itself, which was not presented in 
its entirety in the preceding chapter. 

As it is the rule of government to apply means to 
the highest purposes possible, part of the fifty million 
dollars to be employed in hiring an army of mechan- 
ics and laborers, with the necessary outfit, to go upon 
the public domain and there build houses of moderate 
capacity, sufficient for a man and wife, to inclose ten 
acres of ground, break it up and put it into a state of 
cultivation ready for its occupant. 

The occupant to receive from the government two 
horses, a cheap wagon, with the necessary implements 
to go to farming, or their equivalent in money, when 
he presents his certificate. 

The reader will note that this gift is only to those of 
our citizens who are too poor to help themselves; it is 
only to supply a lack in ability on their part. If they 
lack the amount of one hundred dollars, they receive 
it; if four hundred, they get it; and if they have noth- 
ing at all, they receive the whole amount needed. 

I know there will be great objections raised against 
this theory by many. But the rule is, of two evils we 



OR, STATESMAN S GUIDE. 59 

choose the less. Therefore, T would ask, which is the 
greater evil, to pay fifty millions of tax annually for 
twenty years to enable the poor once more to raise 
their heads above want, thus eradicating ail those evils 
I have mentioned, with even drunkenness and the so- 
cial evil, and with the republic saved, or continue the 
present evils, which are growing worse every day, until 
the republic is dead and we have an empire established 
in its place? 

Ten thousand times preferable would be the former 
to the latter. And those twenty-five thousand mechan- 
ics would bo much better employed in this way than to 
be encamped on the frontiers of Mexico, or any other 
country, in the capacity of soldiers, thus annoying a 
sister state, besides endangering the peace of the 
nation. 

There is still another matter to be considered. Those 
men, not being employed in any useful work, become 
demoralized, lazy, profligate in all their habits, to be 
finally returned as a curse to society. 

In the one case, their labor would be useful, prepar- 
ing homes for the poor, they having equal opportunity 
of occupying them upon the same terms. The cost 
would be much less in this case, for instead of spending 
their time in the routine of war, they would be engaged 
in agricultural pursuits and the improvement of their 
homesteads, and by this means perhaps avoid a war 
which would cost more than it would to build houses 
and homes for all of our poor. 

Mind, under the new policy there would be no need 
of an army; but of this I will speak more fully in my 
essays on foreign relations. 

But a man needs to be but a very moderate states- 




60 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

man to see in which way the means are best employed. 
The working men are now paying over one hundred 
and fi.ty millions of dollars interest on a debt incurred 
in the destruction of the monster which has so woefulty 
cursed us, that is, to break the fetters of the black man ; 
and I think it is a small sum he asks in return to break 
the fetters of slavery produced by necessity. 

If the capitalists dare ask government for protect- 
ive tariffs, why may not the working men also ask pro- 
tection against the capitalists in removing the super- 
fluously abundant poor, by whose poverty the capitalists 
control wages? 

This is truly the point where the reform should com- 
mence. "Let justice be done though the heavens fall." 
But the heavens will never fall by acts of justice. But 
hell would rejoice if the old order of things could be 
continued. Some will say, " What have the poor con- 
ferred on society to justify their claims to such gifts as 
you propose?" I will answer, their very poverty is 
proof that they never received their just dues; and 
what they failed in getting as their dues is now in the 
hands of the rich and constitutes the wealth of the 
nation. 

And they claim it as an act of justice. Their fathers, 
grandfathers, and great-grandfathers have been serv- 
ing the rich all their lives, and received but the crumbs, 
while the capitalists have received the loaves. I say, 
it is time justice was done to the poor. 

The black man has served more than one hundred 
years without any compensation, yet our statesmen 
have turned them out like old stage horses to graze. 
Shame on su ;h statesmanship ! It is a disgrace to 
America. It is true the Freedmens' Bureau did much 



or, statesman's guide. 61 

good in the right direction, but it was not sufficiently 
extensive. 

The prison reform should also be attended to, but if 
the enabling act were passed there would be very little 
need of prison reform, for there would be no criminals 
to punish ; for government created the conditions 
which made them criminals; but now she has abol- 
ished them, and as a consequence needs no penitentia- 
ries. 

But I will say no state has a right to imprison men 
and rob them of their labor. They should receive 
moderate wages in return for their work. If a man 
steal, being prompted by necessity, the sum of fifty 
dollars and is imprisoned for one year, at the rate of 
one dollar a day, and supposing three hundred tho 
number of days he will work, he is robbed by the state 
of two hundred and fifty dollars; this he knows, and 
being turned out upon the community with nothing to 
rely upon — as the community, by its government, rob- 
bed him — he feels justified in again robbing them. 

This is wrong, and has an evil effect; the community 
even is disgusted with it. Crime, if crime it is, should 
be treated as a disease. Men should have the most 
humane treatment possible until they are cured; and 
those who are imprisoned for crime, prompted by want, 
should receive proper compensation, so that when they 
are discharged they will be above want. 

They should be kept in prison until they have gained 
industrious habits and Learned some useful trade; then 
they should receive a certificate recommending them 
to the public as competent mechanics. The way it is 
now they are demoralized and turned out as scourges 
to society. The chain-gang system should be prohibited 



62 



by statute, for its effects are pernicious in the ex- 
treme. 

If, for some little mishap, a young man is put in a 
chain-gang, you might as well shoot him at once, for 
his reputation is gone; he dare never to aspire to 
greatness of any kind; besides, it is an insult to all 
laboring men, for it is degrading labor. 



or, statesman's guide. 63 



CHAPTER XIII. 

The Military Act — Military Men to be Promoted only in 
the Military Line. 

I have now to review the military act, which will 
close these essa}'s. After all the preceding acts have 
been achieved, there seems yet one great danger to 
menace us, viz: the military to transcend the civil 
powers. 

Therefore, an act to restrain military power and in- 
fluence is necessary ; an act that will force military 
men to expect no promotion except in the military line. 

Not that some of them are not fair statesmen, but 
from the evil effect as a precedent. There is more mis- 
chief in it than seems to present itself at first sight. 
Our late war proved this to our sorrow. The cause of 
the war was the result of the presidential election. 

We had two kinds of institutions in our country. 
The South had lost the presidency, therefore thought 
ber institutions were at stake. So the war commenced 
for the presidency. Our generals were all aspirants to 
that office. They were jealous of each other's success; 
therefore there was a want of co-operation, and we came 
near being defeated. 

This is one of the evils, but it is not the worst; yet, 
it is of such magnitude that no statesman can over- 
look it. 

It is liable to occur at any time, thereby destroying 
the efficiency of our armies, But the worst feature or 



64 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

effect of the matter is its effect as a precedent. As a 
nation we have had ample experience in this regard — 
in the first war in the instance of George Washington. 
Not that Washington's administration was not a suc- 
cess, but the opposite was the case. His virtue as a 
man and civilian were confounded with his military 
capacities; and, as a military chieftain, are still affect- 
ing us. We still think, from his example, that men 
who are possessed of military talents must also be states- 
men, uninterested, such as Washington was. 

But we could look a little further back into history 
and see the evil effect this thing produced in other men 
who had not the virtue of Washington, while in their 
military capacities they were perhaps his equals. 

For instance, Benedict Arnold and General Gates: 
Arnold, because he could not become gcneral-in-chief, 
thereby expecting, if successful in the revolution, to 
seat himself at the head of power; but failing in this, 
not only ceased to co-operate with Washington, but 
became a traitor and endeavored to sell his country. 

General Gates, having the same object in view, took 
a different course. Knowing that the surest waj' to 
success was to signalize himself in some great action, 
he became impatient, rushed to battle without the nec- 
essary precaution to secure a victory, was defeated, and 
as an aspirant, ruined his chances and greatly injured 
the American cause. 

These two cases ought to be of sufficient import to 
attract the attention of a true statesman. They are 
not, however, confined to these, for the history of all 
nations furnishes an abundance of similar examples. 

The next attempt at placing a general at the head of 
government was in the case of Andrew Jackson. His 



or, statesman's guide. 65 



capacities as a statesman, with the mighty firmness he 
exhibited in carrying out his views, gained ibr him 
everlasting fame. 

The good that he and Washington did in their civil 
capacities will never compensate for the evil effect pro- 
duced by the elevation of the military over the civil 
power as a precedent. 

The consequence was, different political parties saw 
the success the opposite party ha 1 in selecting a mili- 
tary chieftain. It became a precedent in selecting can- 
didates, and thus caused a rage for the military pro- 
fession. 

If the presidency was more accessible to successful 
generals, it would be equivalent to setting up the office 
as a premium for military exploits. This would, as a 
matter of course, have a tendency to perfect the art of 
war, to a certain extent commendable and necessary 
perhaps, but it would in a measure destroy the benefit 
of co-operation. It would in effect establish a succes- 
sion to office worse than hereditary monarchy. 

If the general, in consequence of his success, must be 
rewarded with the presidency, his subalterns must also 
receive offices in accordance with the extent of their 
achievements. The lieutenant-general must become 
general, preparatory to the presidency; major-generals 
must be made members of the cabinet, ambassadors to 
foreign courts, senators, etc.; brigadiers must be elected 
members of congress, governors of states, collectors of 
customs, etc., etc.; colonel's and majors become state 
senators, representatives, postmasters, etc.; and cap- 
tains, lieutenants, and non-commissioned officers be 
also provided with some municipal or other civil office. 
This has been and still is the case. The people are to 



66 



KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE: 



blamo for it. They have made politics a game, and 
brought it down to a level with horse-racing, dog-fight- 
ing, and the cock-pit. It is a game for wealth. They 
look not to their best interests, by seeking out and 
electing true statesmen, but they select the most efficient 
candidates in order to insure success. 

Those men who pull the wires and control elections 
are individually and specially interested. 

If their candidate is successful, they expect office 
somewhere under the new administration. As the 
military have got the ascendency, they will take a 
military chieftain as their leader, and as the opposite 
party may also choose a military hero, the chances for 
success will be in favor of the one whose achievements 
in war surpass those of his opponent, all other'things 
being equal. 

With such influences prevailing, the true statesman 
is never thought of as a candidate. His efficiency for 
an election is not good. Besides, those political gam- 
blers would have no chance to enrich themselves under 
the administration of a statesman. The very effect of 
this course is to drive statesmen into obscurity. The 
consequence is the final destruction of the state. Under 
military sway the people become demoralized and im- 
poverished. But the effect of this course is the worst 
as a precedent. 

The military branch is the most expensive, in pro- 
portion to its use, of either of the branches of the gov- 
ernment. 

First, it will have a tendency to embroil us in foreign 
wars, for generals will see in this the surest way to the 
presidency, especially when they remember that such 
ordinary men as Harrison. Taylor, Pierce, and Grant 



or. statesman's guide. . 67 

were so wonderfully successful, men who were not even 
third-class statesmen. 

Our commanding generals will seek every opportu- 
nity to excite a war, in order that they may signalize 
themselves in military achievements thereby to gain 
the presidency. 

Such a course is injurious in every way. It leads 
the people from the arts of peace into the arts of war. 
It corrupts the morals of the people in every possible 
way; it entails heavy debts which the poor working men 
must pay; it depreciates the sacredness of human life, 
and destroys the respect for rights of property, and 
murders, theft, and robbery become common. 

I do positively assert that a general, knowing these 
things, and yet accepting the candidacy for president, 
can not be a patriot. A man who, for the mere sake of 
being president (and thereby filling his own pockets), 
will entail such a curse upon the people as wars that 
cost hundreds of thousands of lives and thousands of 
millions of dollars, whereby the people are oppressed 
and trodden into the very earth, with the liberties of 
the nation destroyed — I say, the man knowing all this, 
and yet who will persist in the matter, is both a traitor 
to God and man. 

Much more in the sanK> strain might be said in de- 
precation of the practice of elevating military men to 
places of honor, trust, and profit in civil affairs. As for 
myself, I have long since resolved never to vote for 
military men to fill any civil office. 

I have wondered much how men, calling themselves 
Christians could vote for such men, when Jesus Christ 
said. " Get thee hence, Satan," when propositions for 
worldly aggrandizement were presented to him. War 



68 



KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



is worse than a beastly practice, and should be dis- 
countenanced by every statesman. 

I have heard men pray, "Thy kingdom come, thy will 
be done on earth as it is in heaven," and in less than half 
an hour vote for the establishment of the kingdom of 
hell. If the kingdom of heaven is peace, the kingdom 
of hell must partake of war and strife. No good Chris- 
tian, or even honest lover of humanity, can or dare en- 
courage the latter. 

How can a person love his neighbor and yet vote to 
have his throat cut. According to Christian principles, 
all men are neighbors ; therefore, no one should dare to 
encourage war. 

How, then, can professed followers of the "Prince of 
Peace" nominate a general for president, knowing that, 
as a military man, he represents the devil or the prin- 
ciple of hell ? How can they pray to the Lord to send 
down his kingdom and establish it among the nations, 
and right away arise from their knees, hurry to the 
polls, and cast their votes for the devil, or his represent- 
ative, the general, while the infidel votes for peace by 
voting for the true statesman. 

Now, if men would only think, they could easily see 
that they were voting for the destruction of their chil- 
dren and children's children and the unborn millions 
of men which are yet to follow. 

War does no good; not any. It is destructive in all 
its phases. It is the result of the doings of the dema- 
gogue. It comes from the want of statesmanship. 
Let the whole world be governed by true statesmen, 
and there never would be war, nor the cause of war; 
for the true statesman is the means through which na- 



OR. statesman's guide. 69 

ture expresses herself, and she being one and indivisi- 
ble in herself, will give no cause for war. 

Here I thought to have ended these essays, but find 
that I must proceel. 



KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



CHAPTER XI?. 

Injustice to the Negro — The Emancipation Proclamation — 
Its Author — A Statement. 

There is yet a matter of injustice which I must more 
fully note, and which no statesman would fail to see. 

The negro, after serving his master more than a hun- 
dred years without compensation, is then turned out in 
an unprepared condition, and without proper provision 
for the future. This is a double wrong. First, he is 
not in the least compensated for his long and severe 
labors, which is grossly unjust; and, second, he is 
thrown upon the common laboring classes, to compete 
with them; and they are, of all, the least able to sus- 
tain such competition (I mean unskilled labor). 

A true statesman always provides for such exigencies 
beforehand. When the slave was emancipated, or the 
design thereof conceived, he should have been provided 
with a moderate home and the means wherewith to 
sustain himself, provided he used proper care and 
diligence. 

Alexander II., the Czar of Russia, showed himself 
much more of a statesman in his emancipation scheme 
than did the congressmen of republican America, clearly 
showing that neither monarchy or republicanism con- 
stitutes statesmanship. Volumes might be written 
upon this subject, but for the present we will not extend 
our remarks. 



ok, statesman's guide. 71 

Statement. 

In the spring of 18621 wrote to Abraham Lincoln, then 
President of the United States, advising the emancipation 
of the slaves in the states in rebellion. I set forth its bene- 
ficial effects upon foreign nations. I stated that it would 
divide the English, the people being emancipationists, 
and therefore the government would not dare to co- 
operate with France in the matter of an intervention 
between the North and the South; also, it would rob the 
South of the slaves in carrying on the war, as they were 
considered chattels or property, therefore contraband 
of war. I also advised him to open negotiations with 
Liberia and St. Domingo, and, further, to use his in- 
fluence in securing a purchase of lands in Central 
America for future homes for a part of the freedmen. 
These were the exigencies I forewarned hi in of: First, 
the slaves, from the force of circumstances, would be- 
come free; second, the natural antagonism between the 
races would force the negro to emigrate. 

And, as a statesman, he should provide the way and 
make his egress possible and easy ; also, pointing out the 
calamities that would follow the inauguration of a war 
of the races. I also advised the giving to each individual 
two hundred dollars to enable him to emigrate to his 
future home. This I claimed he was justly entitled to 
for his long term of servitude. I do not know what 
Mr. Lincoln would have advised had he lived to see the 
country reconstructed, but I believe he would have 
carried the advice out to perfection. 

The reader will, perhaps, accuse me of arrogance in 
assuming to have advised these things, especially the 
emancipation act. 



72 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

It has often been asked if Abraham Lincoln was ac- 
tually the author of the proclamation ? I answer, no. 

The author is known to no one but myself. He was 
one of the ablest statesmen America has yet produced. 
He gave it to me; I copied and sent it to President 
Lincoln. 

The manuscripts numbered fifty pages. From them 
were deduced those acts, with the act of emancipation, 
and Abraham Lincoln immortalized himself by adopting 
them. May his memory live forever. 

And here I will add, that Thebes, Rome, and America 
were unwise and wise alike. Unwise in bringing such 
calamities upon themselves ; wise to know where to find 
their deliverers. Thebes found her Epaminondas, Rome 
her Cincinnatus, and America her Lincoln. 






or, statesman's guide. 73 



CHAPTER XV. 

Mode of Conducting Political Conventions — Men's Needs and 
how to Supply Them — Human Qualifications, Personal and 
Collective — Plan for the Congress of the Nations — The 
Capital City of the World. 

There should be a change in the mode of our conven- 
tions. Different parties should meet in the same conven- 
tion, and receive photographs of candidates (for it is pre- 
sumed a statesman will not of himself seek the office). 
There should be back, side, and front views. From 
these they should select and put before the nation two 
or more of the ablest statesmen to be found. This 
would end the game of politics. The demagogue would 
be stripped of his shoddy. He would find his proper 
place in some honest avocation, by which he wousd 
become a benefit in place of a curse to society. 

I said, in the very outset of these essays, that man's 
wants were almost infinite; that they increased with 
his civilization; that his civilization increased with his 
experience; that the materials to satisfy these various 
wants were amply diffused through nature, simple and 
complex, there awaiting man's skill to prepare them 
for his improved tastes. Each individual's wants being 
various, and it requiring such diversity of skill and ex- 
perience to produce or evolve the means to gratify them, 
many of those commodities being the natural product 
of some foreign land, no one man could produce or pre- 
pare all those articles; for, as I said in illustrating this 



74 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

matter by the figure of a swarm of bees, that no one 
had the qualifications to do this but the true statesman; 
and he being but one in a hundred thousand this was 
not his office, he being fitted by nature for grand super- 
intendent. 

Bat that nature produced proper varieties of persons, 
each one possessing peculiar traits of character or fac- 
ulties which fitted him to evolve some special article 
needed; and that the whole society combined produced 
only the means to satisfy the wants of one — that is, in 
variety — but in quantity they produce the amount req- 
uisite for the whole community. Thus we perceive 
the necessity of a mutual exchange of commodities, 
each one exchanging his surplus products for those 
which he can not himself produce, or purchasing them 
with money, the universal medium of exchange. 

As much that man needs is the product of the soil 
and climate, or the manufactories of foreign countries, 
it became necessary to make laws regulating commerce 
between the nations of the earth, treaties by which each 
party would know the exact relation in commerce one 
sustains to another. And as the whole world is but 
one country, and all human beings are one family, and 
in their general and complex nature do not differ as a 
w hole — that is, the same differences in nature are com- 
mon to all races — man is universally the same. And if 
this be so, there is nothing to hinder the establishment 
of a universal order of things between the nations of 
the earth similar to that which exists between the 
states of the American Union. 

But preparatory to such a matter, it would be neces- 
sary that other nations should pass through the same 
process I recommend to the American people. After 



OR, statesman's guide. 75 

that they must, as we should, dispense with military 
establish meDts. If the nations were once rid of those 
curses, they would soon have no national debts, and they 
could proceed at once to the work of establishing the 
new order. 

But the greatest difficulty is to initiate this grand 
project. 

Programme. 

I would propose the following plan : 

The United States having attained such a wonderful 
state of prosperity and power, her high civilization 
being the admiration of the world, should, in conjunc- 
tion with England, summon the nations to a grand coun- 
cil. This would be especially apropos, as the recent 
settling of their own difficulties by mutual concession 
and compromise is an eminent example and signal 
success in the right direction. 

After the council have met, they should adopt articles 
of agreement, by which all future relations or inter- 
national difficulties shall be settled by arbitration. 

This being sanctioned by all the nations, it becomes 
the basis for all future action. This should be followed 
by the establishment of a permanent congress of the 
nations, each nation to be represented by two members; 
this congress to be in perpetual session, but not to take 
cognizance of, or to legislate in regard to the internal 
matters of any state or country, such coming under the 
sole jurisdiction of the local or home government. 

All international difficulties should be considered 
and settled by this congress in a spirit of candor, liber- 
ality, and impartial justice, in harmony with so grand 
and dignified a body, and in a manner calculated to in- 
sure universal satisfaction and the full acquiescence and 



76 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE J 

co-operation of all the nations of the world. Such 
being the result, the necessity of keeping up military 
establishments will have passed away. 

No nation to have more than five ships of war, and 
they to be at the command of this congress, to be em- 
ployed in the protection of commerce against pirates. 

But if the nations were once free from the curse of 
the military power and its consequent expense, there 
would be no national debts; commerce would become 
free-; the poor would not have to work to pay tariffs or 
high taxes; they would receive their just dues ; there 
would be no prompting motive for piracy; the last ves- 
tige of warfare among men would cease by the destruc- 
tion of the war ships under control of the congress of 
the nations, and peace and harmony would reign 
throughout the world. 

Capital. 

There should be a capital city built in a central and 
convenient locality, in a pleasant and healthy climate, 
and occupying sufficient territory to admit of growth 
and extension in every direction. This should be a 
model city in every high sense of the word. Its streets 
and walks and parks should be laid out with geo- 
metrical precision, the circular form prevailing and 
disagreeable angles being avoided. Its buildings should 
be gems of architecture, constructed of the most beauti- 
ful and durable materials, and richly and tastefully or- 
namented externally and internally. Everything within 
and around it should reflect the highest perfection of 
the arts and sciences. No expense should be spared in 
improving the city and its suburbs. In short, it should 
be a paradise upon earth, a glorious exemplification of 



or, statesman's guide. 77 

the beauties of peace, purity, and justice, and a foretaste 
of what may ultimately prevail all over the world. It 
should be called Harmony, Union City, or the Capital 
of the World. Perhaps some island would be the best 
location for this city, the island to be controlled by the 
congress, and the expense of building and improving 
the city to be defrayed by the nations in common. Here 
I had proposed to end my essays, but when I explore the 
field, I perceive that my work is not half accomplished. 
In the chapters to follow, I will, therefore, give a con- 
densation of my ideas upon the various points under 
consideration.* 



*See note A, Appendix. 



78 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Duties of the World's Congress — Continuous Fair op the 
World. 

This congress would control the ports of entry for the 
commerce of the world, but the internal ports should be 
controlled by the local governments, for in no case 
should the congress of the nations interfere with the 
domestic relations of a nation, unless such nation had 
grossly departed from the principles of civilization. 

But in relation to the ports in common, they would 
exact from all owners or masters of vessels a certain 
port charge in accordance with the tonnage thereof. 
The revenue raised by this means to be strictly applied 
to repairing and keeping the ports in order. 

It would also be their duty to keep one or two squad- 
rons for coast surveys, in order to prepare more com- 
plete charts of the seas for the benefit of commerce. 

No nation would be allowed to collect a tariff from 
the rest. They should maintain their national govern- 
ment by internal revenues, for by the establishment of 
a universal government there would be no wars nor im- 
plements of war. Therefore, there would be no national 
debts, the taxes would be light — a certain per cent, on 
actual values — and each would pay in proportion to 
benefits received. It would be the business of this 
court or congress to assist depressed nationalities, and 
bring them within commercial relationship with the 
rest. 



OR, STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 



Each nation to control its members in the universal 
congress, and to recall them at pleasure, but the mem- 
ber to have full power until his successor presents him- 
self with his credentials of office. 

The congress to have no power to depose any member 
for political reasons, bat to suspend one for the com- 
mission of flagrant crimes, his colleague to have two 
votes until his successor be qualified; thus giving every 
nation at all times an equal vote in the world's congress. 

Each nation to determine the length of time of service 
of their own representatives. The only right the nations 
would have would be to require each nation, at all times, 
to furnish its two representatives, as there would be no 
recess but a perpetual session of the congress. 

Continuous Fair of the World. 

There should be a grand temple or palace of palaces, 
erected at the world's cost, wherein should be kept a 
continual fair of the nations, for the exhibition of all 
manner of agricultural products, works of genius and art 
of every possible description, and the domestic animals 
of the different climates, special inducements being held 
out for the presentation of useful inventions or advanced 
works upon science; and to encourage competition large 
premiums should be given to those who excel in the 
ordinary products of agriculture and art, larger ones 
for useful inventions, and still larger ones to the scien- 
tists who evolve something new, for science is the mother 
of all arts. 

But all should receive something in order to encour- 
age industry and invention, for thereby this congress 
would honor labor, virtue, and righteousness (which is 
also the object of these essays). 



80 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE ; 

When these things shall have been inaugurated, want 
and crime will disappear, not only from our land but 
the whole world, and righteousness will prevail as does 
the waters over the great deep. Then can we say, Thy 
kingdom is come, Thy will is done, and peace reigns on 
earth as it does in heaven. 

One of the objects of this perpetual fair would be to 
give those great statesmen who compose the congress 
an opportunity, without traveling the world over, to 
witness the products of all nations, and thereby to enable 
them to judge more accurately of each and the true re- 
lations of all mankind. It would also be a benefit to 
other statesmen as well; but the greatest of all benefits 
accruing therefrom would be the privilege thus pre- 
sented to the mechanics of all nations to meet and ex- 
hibit the products of their skill. 

If my doctrine be true, that one thing suggests an- 
other, they would leave with their minds filled with 
new ideas, the effect of which would be higher develop- 
ments of skill in their subsequent productions. It would 
also encourage a better understanding between the dif- 
ferent peoples of the world. It would destroy national 
prejudices, so that all nations would feel themselves but 
one, as is the case in the United States, where the matter 
has been tested. 

They would connect all sections of the world by a 
net-work of telegraphs, thus bringing the different por- 
tions of all mankind into closer relations, one with an- 
other. 

For the universal good depends upon the individual 
good. Individual rights are the basis of all rights. 
When individuals unite their rights, they become cor- 
porate rights. When those rights are again united by 



or, statesman's guide. 81 



compromise absorbing all citizens, they become national. 
But the nation, by its representatives, which constitute 
its government, lias no right or power to violate the in- 
dividual rights of its citizens. Individual rights are 
sacred above all things, and to violate them would be 
an act of tyranny. Corporate rights are also positive 
as far as they go, and consequently should be kept in- 
violate. I have often wondered why' statesmen so fre- 
quently violate these rules in their legislative enact- 
ments; but it seems to be from a want of knowledge of 
classification. 

I will here attempt to give a classification, which I 
trust will enable the reader to judge accurately whether 
acts passed are proper or not; that is, whether the legis- 
lature had a right to pass such acts. I will give the 
same definitions I gave in a work published in 1857. 

Natural Eights of Things. 

To come at anything like certainty in relation to the 
above, we must take into consideration, first, the nature 
of the thing claiming rights, and, secondly, the nature 
of the thing claimed. 

There is no better rule than that laid down in the 
laws of simple substances, viz : that all simple substances 
are definite, both in quantity and quality, and bear 
a certain relation to all other substances. This relation 
constitutes their natural sphere. 

First, possessing form or size they rightly occupy 
space. Secondly, having the innate quality or fitness, 
they have a right to unite with other particles. 

These are the natural rights of simple substances. 
When simple substances are combined, the sphere of 
rights is enlarged according to the combined nature of 



82 



the substances. The concentrated laws of matter in an 
organism is the law of that organism. Hence we learn 
that all things have their proper spheres to which their 
nature entitles them. If the above be correct, there 
must be some rules of classification for the conduct of 
man. I shall quote as I find them in the book of 
nature. 

Classification. 

First. The indepenent superlative sphere, which is 
the sphere of God, the organizer and governor of the 
universe. For who has a right to say to him, "What 
doest thou? " 

Second. The relative sphere of the creature to the 
Creator, as the finite to the infinite. 

Third. The independent sphere of the creature to the 
Creator, which constitutes his individuality ; for man 
has the choice of good or evil. 

Fourth. The relative sphere of the creature to the 
creature. 

Fifth. The independent sphere of the individual to 
the individual. 

We will illustrate the subject: The first sphere 
pervades the whole universe and is the master law. 
The second is the sphere the church pretends to 
occupy. In this sphere man is morally bound by the 
mutual laws of his own individuality and the universal 
laws of nature or moral laws of God. He can act as 
he pleases, yet he is subject to organic law. He feels 
himself restrained by the laws of his nature, yet his 
conduct affects no one but himself; it is a matter 
strictly between himself and God, therefore is called 
the relative sphere of the creature with the Creator. 



OR, statesman's guide. 83 



It also corresponds to the fifth sphere, which is called 
the independent sphere of the individual to the individ- 
ual ; for wherein man is strictly related to Deity as an 
individual, he is independent of his fellow man. 

Yet there are some small matters in the fifth sphere 
that are not in the second, namely, the tastes and 
fancies, wherein he is neither responsible either to God 
or man; it belongs to the positively independent or 
third sphere. 

In the third sphere man acts according to his own 
will. In this sphere the soul is made the guardian of 
the body; if the soul acts foolishly and neglects the 
proper care of the body, the law of nature demands, as 
a penalty, that the soul shall suffer for want of a proper 
and healthy system through which to act. 

The fourth sphere is an important one to man. It is 
the legislative sphere. In it every man's rights should 
be treated as sacred. The great difficulty in this 
sphere is that the legislator does not distinguish 
between the independent individual and the relative 
sphere. Matters in the independent sphere are not by 
nature subject to legislation. 

These are the best rules of classification I can sug- 
gest. According to them all rights commence with the 
individual, each individual having the same order of 
rights. Their wants forcing them to unite creates the 
second or the relative order; yet, so far as it goes, it 
assumes the attributes of an individuality, as I said in 
relation to matter; that is, "that the concentrated laws 
of matter in an organism is the law of that organism," 
yet, while in the organism, each particle still retains its 
individual attributes as well as its individuality. So 
it makes no difference how lar^e the bulk of matter is. 



84 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

the same laws prevail. It is an individual by aggre- 
gation. So whatever the aggregation may be, it never 
destroys or changes the individuals composing it. 
And two aggregated bodies bear the same relation to 
each other as obtained in the individual capacities of 
the single particles to each other. So if this is true, 
they can never lose their independence as particles 
nor the rights or attributes of their natures. 

If this is the case with man, then the violation of 
these natural laws must be fraught with evils in pro- 
portion to the extent of the violation. 

Here we begin to see the inalienable rights, not only 
of individuals, but of corporations. No one corporation 
has a right to rule another without its consent. The 
consent of one corporation to co-operate with another 
amounts to a union ; hence, so far as the union goes, 
they, too, are one corporation. 

And in the legislation by this corporation they are 
kept strictly within their corporate nature; they are 
not allowed to meddle with the rights of the sejDarate 
individuals, for those belong to another order of rights. 

To illustrate : All bear the same relation, each to its 
grade. City to city in their municipal capacity ; county 
to county and state to state in their relative capacity. 
Yet each is sovereign in its individual capacity, and 
can not be infringed upon by another sister state. Yet 
those states can unite and be one without destroying 
their individual qualifications, just as the particles of 
matter do which I gave as an example. 

But to be brief. The question will arise, what do 
you propose to prove by this process of reasoning? 

I intend to prove that man by entering into society 



OR, statesman's guide. 85 

never loses his personal rights, for they are inalienable. 
The states by entering into a combination with other 
states do still retain their individuality. 

They possess all their inalienable rights, and are held 
together in the union by the principle of political con- 
glomeration. If it were otherwise, then there would 
cease to be such a thing as inalienable rights; for, if 
the citizen can lose his rights by a mere union of his 
state with another, then he never had any inalienable 
rights. For inalienable means the same as immortal, 
so far as duration of time is concerned, and if anything 
can die, it is neither inalienable or immortal. 

But man, as a person, has inalienable rights, and so 
has also a state. And these rights must not be in- 
fringed upon. What rights are, I have pointed out in 
my classification of rights. 

We will now commence the application of my theory 
from another view of the subject. 

The great congress of the nations will have no juris- 
diction but in matters that pertain to the relative in- 
dividual nations; that is, in matters that are common 
to all. 

Each nation will retain its independence of the con- 
gress in all matters that are not strictly international. 

The general government of the United States will 
exercise all authority conceded to it by the states — all 
general authority as a nation — but it must not infringe 
upon the reserved rights of the states which appertain 
to their independent capacity, which rights they can 
not themselves alienate. These rights may be sup- 
pressed in their exercise by force, nevertheless they are 
the same rights still. 

There is yet another matter that I should have men- 



86 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

tioned. No state has a right to legislate on religious 
subjects, neither has the church a right to enforce a 
religious dogma on the state; for the state and church 
occupy two quite different spheres. 

The church belongs to the second sphere, viz: The 
relative sphere of the individual to the Divine mind; 
and the state to the fourth sphere, viz: The relative 
sphere of the individual to the individual. 

If a universal congress were established, there would 
be no further need of diplomatic agents at foreign 
courts, for the congress would assume those functions. 
The consular establishment would still be useful in reg- 
ulating and carrying out commercial relations in the 
different ports of entry througout the world. 

I have often thought how suggestive are the works 
of nature to the statesman, especially the starry 
heavens, which contain the true type of government, 
with its all-wise legislator and controller, the Great 
Jehovah of the Universe. 

The statesman is struck with admiration and awe in 
whatever direction he may look. 

He sees perfection in the minutiae as well as in the 
ultimates. He commences his investigations at the 
lowest round in the ladder with what is called inertia. 
He finds that every particle of matter is definite, both 
in size, form, and attributes ; he finds that all of a class 
have the exact form, size, and attributes alike, and what 
constitutes another class is their difference in these 
qualities, and that there are tens of thousands of these 
classes, although chemists, as yet, have only been able 
to classify but few. 

These classes bear an exact relationship, one to the 
other, and are bound together by their respective at- 



or, statesman's guide. 87 

tributes. The harmony that exists between them is 
almost, if not quite divine. 

The first effect of these particles of matter, when they 
act upon each other, is the evolving of chemistry, the 
second science in nature (the first being the constitu- 
tional nature of matter itself). These are called first 
principles. 

The next operation in nature, chemistry assisting 
the type principal, evolves two new sciences simultane- 
ously, viz : Anatomy and physiology, for there can be 
no anatomy without physiology. 

Geology is nothing but a repetition of these same 
powers, as is also botany. Astronomy is the repetition 
on a grander scale of all the before-mentioned matters. 

The statesman beholds the wonderful harmony that 
prevails among atoms of the universe. 

Let a body be ever so large, every atom in its com- 
position is respected, for itself is made up of atoms, and 
its grand law is the union of the attributes of the indi- 
vidual particles composing the grand mass. 

No action takes place even in the center of the sun, 
but affects every particle in the solar system. They 
are chemically so sensitive, their attributes being 
united through the medium of the universal spirit, they 
are never outside of each other's influences. 

'Here, then, we see the glory and majesty of the 
mighty universe. 

Each particle is respected ; it moves by its own con- 
sent, yet in harmony with all. 

He exclaims, Great God, thy universe, in this respect, 
is truly a grand republic ! Yet, when he looks a little 
farther, he sees that it is also a grand monarchy. 

AH the attributes of all the particles ; all the attri- 



88 



butes of the different system of worlds, solar systems, 
and constellations united into one grand universe, con- 
stitute the grand law or laws of nature. Each and all 
are represented in those laws. In this they are repub- 
lican. Bat no one can thwart their universal laws, and 
therein they represent a monarchy. 

But the particles or parts have no inclination to 
counteract the universal law, therefore there is no mon- 
archy in the forces of matter. But still the universe 
in one sense is a monarchy. To find this, the states- 
man is forced into quite a different department. 

When he approaches the intellectual sphere, he there 
will find that intelligence, being the result of experience, 
is imperfect; it is under the tuition of matter or the 
laws of matter. 

The external world is the instructor of the soul, or 
the intelligent principle. The soul in its ignorance 
violates those immutable laws which chasten, and 
thereby force it into obedience. The laws are positive 
in their effect. In this respect the universe acts as a 
grand monarchy; that is, it exercises absolutism, which 
is monarchy. 



OR, statesman's guide. 89 



CHAPTER XVII. 

The Conclusion of the Whole Matter — Further Elucida- 
tion of Subjects already Considered — Kecapitulation — 
Keflections. 

In closing these essays, let me remark that, in the 
outset, I stated that I " intended to present something 
new. to the statesman, which would be suggestive of 
political wisdom," therefore I called this work "The 
Key to Political Science, or Statesman's Guide." 

I think I have fulfilled my promise, for I have pre- 
sented this subject in an entirely new light, which I 
will recapitulate as follows : 

First. The association in the links of memory or the 
mind. 

Second. The association of the external world in its 
orders. 

Third. The similitude there existed between mind and 
matter. 

Fourth. The suggestive nature of bees. 

Fifth. The suggestive nature of astronomy. 

The American Union and system of government is 
almost a perfect reflex of astronomy. It represents a 
solar system, with the general government in the cen- 
ter as a mighty sun ; the states as planets, and their 
subdivisions as satellites with all their minutiae; but 
the whole with the sun constitutes the ultimate. 

The planets reflect a light which is their own from 
the effect of a magnetic influence from the sun. 



90 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

The sun is resuscitated by attracting certain sub- 
stances from the planets. In return they receive life 
from the sun, which generates light as soon as it comes 
in contact with the atmosphere of the planet ; and the 
return of the same keeps up the light of the sun. Oh ! 
how mutual, how righteous, are the workings of the 
great universe ! If matter observes so strictly the laws 
of justice, why should not man follow the example? 
If this is not suggestive to a man, he may know that 
he is not a statesman. If the government of the in- 
finitely perfect God be not instructive, tell me, oh, 
man ! where instruction can be gained? 

There is another evil of which I should have spoken, 
viz : The rewarding of editors of political papers by in- 
coming administrations. 

This, has a very corrupting influence. Each one 
strives to blacken the character of the candidates of 
the opposite party. It becomes a game between the 
editors of the same party, each trying to outdo all others 
in blackguardism, hoping thereby to receive a reward 
for his vile work if his party be successful. 

If this evil ended here it would be bad enough, but it 
extends through all society ; not only neighbors, but dif- 
ferent members of the same family frequently become es- 
tranged, nevermore to be reconciled. This has become 
such a nuisance and curse that some honest statesmen 
have thought seriously of abolishing the presidency ; and 
all good men hate the return of the presidential cam- 
paign for it amounting almost to & civil war. 

The whole cause is the patronage that editors and 
other leading politicians and wire-pullers expect to re- 
ceive from the administration they aid in inaugurating. 
A president that does this thereby shows that he is a 



or, statesman's guide. 91 

mere demagogue, and would sell the interests of the 
people for his own aggrandizement. 

If the highest rewards arc offered for villainy, we 
can expect nothing better. The only way to cure this 
evil is to follow the rules laid down in these essays 
(see mode of holding conventions, on page 73). 

If the rules I have laid down be followed, the republic 
will live and perfect itself, and will raise up man to the 
highest planes of humanity possible. 

But if we continue in our present course we will sink 
back into eternal night with the nations that are for- 
gotten. In place of honor we will reap shame. 

In regard to the enabling act: There would be some 
who would naturally prefer to live in cities. Those 
could be accommodated, for it is not to be supposed 
that we would settle fifty or one hundred thousand 
families on small farms, with only ten acres under cul- 
tivation, without towns and cities being established to 
provide them with markets for their products, or places 
to be supplied with such necessaries of life as they could 
not themselves produce. They must be brought into 
immediate connection with the commercial world. 
Therefore, town sites would be laid off in their proper 
localities, and those who preferred city life would re- 
ceive a lot and house, which should be exempt from 
sale for debt, and which the occupant could not convey 
to another until he had been in possession of it for five 
years. 

The reader certainly will not presume that I mean 
that the government will give those lands to the poor. 
The land naturally belongs to them, all that is wanting 
is to be enabled to occupy them. 

To sav nothing of the justice or positive ri<rht they 



92 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

have to demand this, it would be an act of the highest 
wisdom and best policy the government could adopt. 
It would bring into use the energies of at least two 
millions of men and women who now are unable to 
support themselves, not only adding nothing to the 
wealth of the nation, but actually detracting therefrom. 
But, if assisted to those lands, they would not only 
support themselves, but produce a surplus, thus aug- 
menting the material wealth of the nation. It would 
be an advantage even to the capitalist, affording a more 
extended market for his products, thereby compensating 
him for the higher wages he would be forced to pay, by 
the withdrawing of the poorer classes in competition 
with each other. 

It will be a still greater benefit to the working classes 
in general. The} 7 will not only receive higher wages 
and steadier employment, but they will assume-an in- 
dependence such as they never enjoyed before, thereby 
strengthening and perpetuating the principles of re- 
publican government. 

It is considered by political economists very unwise 
to leave unemployed any forces that could have been 
employed in productive results, even though the force 
cost but little, and much more so if it were expensive. 

If this be so (as all are aware), then the statesman 
who sees a nation cursed with four or five million of 
idle people, and makes no effort to put them to profit- 
able labor, especially where a country has so much 
waste and unoccupied lands as the United States, with 
the means to place them upon it, and thus relieving the 
nation with its government from certain destruction, I 
say such a statesman is criminal beyond an excuse. 

There is a known principle in nature which points 



OR, statesman's guide. 93 

the statesman in this direction, viz : Eesuscitation or 
re-adjustment is necessary for the continuance of any 
system. If there is a continual tendency in one direc- 
tion without a return, the equilibrium will soon be de- 
stroyed. This I pointed out in my astronomical illus- 
trations. 

All nature proclaims this. Strange and mysterious as 
this seems, all the particles of matter must tend toward 
their natural circles, or there will be an end to motion, 
or at least to true order, and anarchy and death will be 
the result. 

The blood which flows from the heart to the extrem- 
ities is returned-by the veins to the heart, to be repolar- 
ized and reconveyed through the arteries to every por- 
tion of the system. But in the meantime it is necessary 
that there should be an accession of fresh matter from 
the great laboratory, the stomach, and through the 
lungs of pure oxygen from theair, to supply the waste 
there is in the blood, caused by the wear and tear of 
the body. This is requisite in order to keep the body 
in a vigorous condition. 

Thus we find in man's own organism the most won- 
derful lessons for the statesman. The head represents 
the statesman or government; the hand, the working 
or producing classes; the stomach, the great system of 
commerce; and the various i unctions of the mind and 
body, the departments. 

I do not intend in this place to thoroughly elaborate, 
but merely to hint at this matter. I will, however, 
here say that the head, by its wisdom, directs the hands; 
the hands feed the stomach; the stomach digests the 
food; and the head and stomach conjointly, with all 
their functions, through the medium of the heart, dis- 



94 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

tribute the sustaining fluid throughout the body. All 
are mutually benefited and invigorated, and health, 
strength, and happiness are the result. 

But if the head neglect to direct the hands aright, 
improper or insufficient food being supplied, the stomach 
could not, either in quantity or quality, supply the needs 
of the different parts of the body, and they would all 
languish and suffer in common. 

So if the statesman neglects in his policy the hands 
or producing classes, commerce, like the stomach, will 
have nothing to digest or distribute in exchange 
through the system, and the whole nation will suffer 
because commerce languishes. 

This grows out of a lack of re-adjustment; the equi- 
librium has been destroyed. Wealth has been flowing 
in one direction for several generations until a few own 
it all, and the great majority are so poor that they can 
not help themselves. Their labor is entirely unpro- 
ductive; they cease to add anything to commerce; they 
are not only a burden to themselves, but a curse to the 
nation. 

The only way toward re-adjustment is to enact a law 
taxing all wealth in a regular ratio ; this tax to be per- 
petual, the rate per cent, to change according to the 
wants of the poor, and the proceeds to constitute the 
enabling fund. 

If any other person can suggest a better plan, let it 
be given at once to the people. 

I have seen more than one hundred essays suggest- 
ing a cure for the " social evil," yet not one of them 
could etfect the object; they would abuse or increase, 
rather than cure it. 

The writers, instead of searching out the cause, and, 



OR, statesman's guide. 95 

by removing it, thus eradicating the terrible evil, by 
their prescriptions would only aggravate the mischief 
and add fuel to fire. 

The last essay I perused recommended the passage 
of an ordinance removing those, whose health by their 
practices unfitted them from pursuing their loathsome 
business, to hospitals, to be patched up for future use, 
if possible, but if not, to prepare themfor th.e grave. 

But those who possessed the requisite degree of 
health were to receive the care of a physician to pro- 
tect the public against the diseases common to such 
vices. 

For the right to practice this degrading, disgusting 
vice, they were to obtain licenses, for which they were 
to pay a daily tax, the proceeds to be expended upon 
those who were irrecoverably diseased. 

This is poor, short-sighted statesmanship. If a per- 
son follow a certain business for a living, and we put a 
tax, however light, upon it, such person will redouble 
his exertions to enlarge his business in order to pay his 
tax and make it remunerative. So it would be with 
the courtesan. At first, impelled by necessity, she 
adopted this mode of life. By the passage of such a 
law, her necessities are much greater and she must in- 
crease her business! She therefore goes about, day 
and night, seeking whom she may decoy into her den 
of infamy. This is a mode of cure of the "social evil " 
with a vengeance; it would be about as effectual as to 
pour oil on fire in order to quench it. 

Have those mighty philosophers ever thought of the 
impulses of human nature? Do they expect, by mere 
statute, to obliterate the generative nature of man, or 
the natural inclination of the sexes for each other? 



96 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

Poor simpletons! do they expect that if a man is too 
poor to keep & wife he will have no desire for a wife? 
Or do they think that he, on account of his poverty, 
will forego all the pleasures of his nature? You may 
as well try to stay the rivers or bind the wings of 
light. 

One is just as irresistible as the other. There is no 
other remedy under the heavens than the one I have 
pointed out 5 <nz : Make each man able to sustain his 
own lawful wife, and bastardy and the social evil will 
forever disappear. This matter needs further elucida- 
tion, but the limits of this work will not permit it. 

We must follow nature in her course, and heed her 
suggestions in all things. 

I have attempted in these essays to express what I 
find in nature. I know I have not clothed my ideas in 
the most elegant language, yet I have expressed them 
in a way that they can be understood. 

I have pointed them to the book from which I read 
them. It is open, day and night, to all who wish to 
read. It is the " key to political science, or the states- 
man's guide " — the Universal Book of Nature. 

Mr. Shubert, author of " Mirror of Nature," in 
speaking of cleanliness, says, "Tell me how many 
pounds of soap a nation uses, and I will tell you the 
grade of their civilization." 

I say, tell me the estimation a nation has of their 
women, and I will tell you the order of their civiliza- 
tion. 

Both are good criterions, but I would prefer the lat- 
ter. If men are high enough in their civilization to do 
justice to woman, woman will, as a consequence, be still 
more highly civilized than man. And here we might re- 



OR, statesman's guide. 97 

peat Shubert's argument: The women being so highly 
cultivated would love cleanliness and hate filth, and 
would use the greater amount of soap, by which their 
civilization could be judged. 

What I mean by this is, no stream can rise higher 
than the fountain head. Whatever the conditions of 
the mothers in a nation are, they will be reflected in 
the generation which follows. 

If a people aspire to unrivaled greatness, as the 
Americans do, their first duty is to emancipate woman 
from all detracting influences whatever. She must 
have a chance to put all her latent capacities to their 
highest possible use. She should even receive superior 
and special attentions in order to make her an object 
of worship rather than of scorn. The result would be 
the next generation would be much more perfect in ap- 
pearance and capacity. 

The women would be more beautiful in form and 
feature, and more angelic in nature, while the men 
would be more godlike in all respects. But this will 
never be the case so long as we encourage prostitution, 
and spurn and kick females about our streets as we 
would so many dogs, oftentimes incarcerating them in 
our dirty prisons for crimes we have forced them to 
commit. 

Their crimes are less than ours. Their sins against 
society are far less than the sins of society against 
them. 

The fault of all this can be traced back to false legis- 
lation. 

And he who seeks to continue the present order of tnings 
is a sinner both against God and man. 

As much that has been treated in the foreoroino" 



98 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE J 

chapters needs further elaboration, the author, although 
not intending it at first, has concluded to further ex- 
tend the work at the present time in the form of a sec- 
ond part. 



PAET II. 



PART IT. 



CHAPTER I. 

Distribution and Re-adjustment Continued — Their Positive 
Necessity — All Interests Mutual — The Prosperity of 
the Rich Depends upon the Comfort and Happiness of the 
Poor — The Theory of Re-adjustment Illustrated by Evap- 
oration, Presented by an Allegory. 

In the preceding volume I have avoided bringing up 
past legislation as precedents to substantiate any of the 
doctrines set forth ; for, so far as they have expressed a 
principle in nature, they have been accepted as axi- 
omatic, and are a part of the established order of things. 
We look for instruction entirely to the suggestions of 
nature. 

From observation, I have found that the great diffi- 
culty in a republic is in maintaining an equilibrium or 
an equality of the means which sustain man's animal 
wants, and thereby leave open the avenues for his pur- 
suit of happiness. 

For, as I stated in the First Part, wealth being the 
result of labor, if all persons labored and were equally 
skilled, all other things being equal, there would be an 
equality of wealth also. But such is not the case. 

1. All are not equal in muscular capacity. 



102 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

2. They differ in intelligence. 

3. Some are more skilled than others. 

4. They differ in practical economy. 

5. The circumstances by which they are surrounded 
operate more favorably to some than to others. 

These are the uncontrollable matters which surround 
the entire nation. Circumstances not being equal, some 
labor under great disadvantages. Even some who are 
very skillful and whose labors are productive lack econ- 
omy, and therefore never become rich. 

There are others so peculiar in their organizations, 
that their greatest happiness consists in acquiring 
riches, not so much for the sake of the wealth itself as 
for the pleasure derived in its acquisition. 

All these things are right, and prove my doctrine of 
the angles and of their uses in the circle, or society, 
and of the system of man, of which I gave an account 
in my previous essays : 

The head represented the statesman or government; 
the stomach, acting in conjunction with the head and 
other departments of the body, produces digestion and 
represents a grand system of commerce; the hands, 
under the control of the head, represent the producers 
or working classes, who feed commerce by their pro- 
ductions, as the hands feed the stomach. The absorb- 
ents, in their extracting influence upon the digested 
matter of the stomach, represent the consumers of the 
articles of commerce. 

But as these are not in direct contact with the great 
emporium of commerce, they are known only by their 
wants, which cause an attraction ; hence we find a ne- 
cessity for an intermediate department, viz : the ex- 



or, statesman's guide. 103 

changer, or merchant. The merchant or exchanger, by 
the laws of commerce, naturally stands between the 
consumer and producer. 

So the heart represents the exchanger, the great mer- 
chant of the physical system, for through it passes all 
the commodities for sustaining the different members 
of the body, and this is the only link by which they 
are bound together. But the heart, nor the stomach, 
nor any of the departments of the body, have any power 
without the head. Neither would the head have any 
power without them, for their offices are mutual; yet, 
in their natural relation, the head is master, director, 
contriver, and controller. 

This is true, both of the voluntary and involuntary 
portions of our nature. The involuntary workings of 
our physical being show the true type of government, 
which should be imitated by our voluntary or intel- 
lectual capacities in the government of society. 

Thus we see the heart, by the absorbents, acts upon 
the stomach, extracting therefrom the materials which 
have been disengaged by the process of digestion. The 
exact amount and right kind of materials are thus 
brought in contact with the lungs, where they become 
ox3 7 genized or vitalized; then passing into the heart, 
they are polarized and receive an impetus which 
drives them into the most minute recesses of the 
system. 

This polarization seems to be continuous, for there 
are nerves leading from the brain, which pass with 
every artery into the minutest ramifications of the sys- 
tem, and with every pulsation the blood is repolarized 
and its original strength maintained. But the blood. 



104 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

in its return through the veins, is negative of polarity. 
It returns by attraction, or suction. In this is illus- 
trated the ever-present influence of the government. 
The arteries leading from, and the veins returning to 
the heart, represent the avenues of commerce. In all 
this we see a mutuality and dependence of the parts 
upon each other, although the head is ruler and dis- 
penses the laws, or gives impetus, not only to the vari- 
ous parts of the system, but to the new matter to be 
incorporated therewith, preparing or eliminating them ; 
and, after they have served their purpose, ejects them 
from the system as dead matter, which would become 
injurious if longer retained. 

For man is continually dying on the exterior, while 
he is being reanimated and reconstructed from within, 
as the parts depend upon the head. The head is also 
dependent upon the various departments of the body ; 
and, this being so, the head suffers for all its misman- 
agement of the body, while the body suffers, by sym- 
pathy, with the head. The fact is, in all things, they 
are mutual. 

Let the stomach once lose its power, either by being 
overloaded, or by improper food, and how soon the 
head will feel it. So, too, in governmental matters. 

Let a government neglect the producing classes, and 
her commerce will languish. It fails, just in propor- 
tion as it neglects its duty; the exchanger will have 
nothing to distribute to the consumer; the whole sys- 
tem will soon decay, and the head will die with the 
body, as a penalty for its neglect in proporly caring, 
for it. 

Thus it happens with governments. If they neglect 



or, statesman's guide. 105 

the masses, or do not understand the laws of re-adjust- 
ment, the equilibrium will be destroyed, the energies of 
the nation wasted, commerce will languish, and the gov- 
ernment itself will die. 

I am pointing out these things to show the positive 
necessity of re-adjustment; for there are so many men 
of wealth who consider it robbery to be taxed, at all, 
for any purpose; and much more so to raise means for 
re-adjustment in the shape of an enabling act. It is 
not only my aim to show such men that this matter is 
just and wise, but that it is for their own interest pecu- 
niarily. For have they not made their fortunes in 
commercial transactions? We will suppose a nation to 
be very numerous yet non-productive, for want of capi- 
tal to employ their skill and energies upon ; and also so 
poor, that if the men of wealth were to import from 
foreign countries all the luxuries of the world, they 
could not sell a cent's worth, as none of the millions of 
the people could buy anything for want of means. What 
would be the result? Why, like the stomach, full to re- 
pletion, but without the co-operation of the other 
departments, digestion would cease, the exchanger, or 
heart, by his absorbents, would make no draft upon it, 
and the stomach itself would decay. The stomach, 
heart, and head would all die together. 

By this we see that the true interest of the capitalist, 
or millionaire, consists in the general prosperity of the 
masses. Every person's best interest lies in the pros- 
perity of the neighbor. The more prosperous the 
neighbor, the better customer he will be for the surplus 
commodities of the other. 

Our interests are so mutual, that in proportion as we 



106 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE ; 

injure our neighbors, we cripple our own interests and 
injure ourselves. 

The miserably poor and excessively rich more di- 
rectly affect each other than any other classes of 
society. It is the rich man's first interest to see that 
none become so poor that their energies are wasted. 
They should at least be put into a condition which will 
enable them to support themselves by their own efforts. 
But it is still better for the rich if these men produce a 
surplus, which will enter the channels of commerce, 
and thereby enable them to reap a profit therefrom. 

We may here again return to the human system for 
an illustration: If any member of the body be injured, 
all the other members, by their relations, are compelled 
to sympathize and suffer with the disabled member. 
They therefore instantly succor and relieve the injured 
one, and never cease their efforts till harmony is again 
restored. If this were not so, the body would die 
piecemeal ; no child would ever attain the stature of a 
man, and the race would end with the first generation. 

Then what would all your gold be worth? Then 
truly would the old adage be verified that, "There is 
that which always gathereth and yet hath not, and that 
which always giveth and still hath." 

Some readers, doubtless, will wonder why I dwell at 
such length on re-adjustment or the enabling act. 

It is of all things the most important. Without this 
a republic can not live. As soon as we destroy the 
equilibrium, just so soon and so far we enter the realms 
of aristocracy. 

Monarchy and republicanism are the two extremes, 
aristocracy being intermediate; and so far as we pass 



or, statesman's guide. 107 

into the fields of aristocracy we advance on our journey 
toward monarchy; and when once there, there is no 
transition to republicanism but by bloody revolution. 

The United States are fast tending in that direction, 
and our only salvation is by a fixed law of re-adjust- 
ment such as I advised in the foregoing essays. Every 
good citizen, who is a lover of liberty and equality, will 
pay his properly assessed mite with. a hearty good will. 

Foreseeing these things, as an honest man, a lover of 
my country and of humanity in general, I am thus ear- 
nest in the advocacy of re-adjustment as the only safe- 
guard of the country. I have always had the idea upper- 
most in my mind that the American principles of gov- 
ernment, or the establishment of the government itself, 
was the commencement or inauguration of a new era, 
which, if the Americans were worthy of and could 
maintain in its purity, would finally advance them to 
the very highest plane of national greatness and of in- 
dividual perfection. I mean that the American people 
Wv uld elevate themselves to the highest possible plane 
of liuman exaltation, and thereby become a light to all 
the nations of the earth ; and by their greatness, 
grandeur, and happiness would win all mankind to the 
paths of virtue, and draw them all up to the high plane 
they had attained, and thus save the race. 

Having this idea and this inspiration, and foreseeing 
these evils pending and the only remedy for them, I do 
solemnly forewarn the American statesmen and people 
to beware whom they trust with the affiairs of the na- 
tion ; to heed the advice I gave in the preceding es- 
says; to discard the demagogue ; to seek the true states 
man, wherever he may be found, even though like 



108 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

Epaminondas you find him in a cave studying, phi- 
losophy, or as a hermit, or as Cincinnatus behind a 
plow, or as a mechanic behind his anvil, or a carpenter 
by his bench — tell him, as the Eomans did Cincin- 
natus, "Your country hath need of you." Never stop 
to ask how many millions of dollars he possesses? 
Only be sure you have a person possessing the qualities 
which make up the statesman. Take him for his tal- 
ents and virtues alone, and you will thereby show your 
republican principles. But take him for his wealth and 
you will show yourselves to be aristocrats. 

We will further illustrate our subject by an allegory. 

If persons of great fortunes still think it unjust that 
they should be taxed in proportion to their wealth, for 
the benefit of the excessively poor, and can see nothing 
in nature that seemeth to work after this plan, we will 
refer them to the principle of. evaporation and its uses. 
In this allegory we will call light and heat the governor 
or government. Water we will call wealth. Pools, 
lakes, seas, and oceans are the treasures of the rich. 
Eivers are the avenues of trade. Plains, hills, and 
mountains, with their forests and all things that per- 
tain to them, represent capital, with skilled and un- 
skilled labor. 

Now, mark the course of unavoidable consequences, 
the relation of things and their continuous harmony. 
Without the influence of light the intrinsic properties 
of each would be inactive, weakened, or worthless. 
But let the vital principle descend from its source, the 
sun, the seat of power; it strikes our atmosphere with 
irresistible force ; it starts the electric currents; they act 
upon the free caloric; the free caloric seeks the confined 



109 

heat, and they wedge and drive themselves into all 
things, producing friction, which of itself evolves heat, 
thereby affecting everything and calling forth their in- 
trinsic qualities. Thus, from death life is evolved, and 
from previously worthless objects things of great value. 
The rivers, lakes, seas, and oceans cease to be a body of 
ice, become fluid, are animated, and rejoice in the teem- 
ing life they contain. 

Now, from this condition, which is so desirable, there 
arises certain unavoidable results. 

The degree of heat that is necessary to continue this 
state of things, will call forth evaporation, as a natural 
tribute to the light and heat which broke the chains of 
ice and death, and bestowed the blessings and comforts 
of life. 

_And, as the wants of different localities are various, 
sometimes the heat predominates at a certain point, and 
as a consequence vacuums are created, and the air, or 
wind, rushes in to fill them, bearing with it the 
moisture it has absorbed from the grent bodies of 
water, which yielded it as a natural tribute to light 
•and heat; and, as nature delights in maintaining an 
equilibrium, she taxes those in excess and gives to those 
in want. 

She therefore rains upon the parched earth the mists 
she hath gathered from the great waters. The earth 
then rejoices, is reinvigorated, and the rivers bear the 
surplus waters back to the original fountains. Lakes, 
seas, and oceans are also benefited thereby They re- 
ceive the alkalies, salts, and earths, and even the con- 
fined caloric, with the phosphates, without which even 
light could not continue the animation we find in all 



110 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE ; 

waters. Note each body of water is taxed according 
to its volume and surface, and receives its proper pro- 
portion in return through nature's avenues the rivers. 
If these bodies of water had the power and the will to 
resist the taxing influence of light and heat, and should 
not yield their just proportion, the consequence would 
be, all nature would cease. There would be neither 
vegetable nor animal life. The earth would not be 
parched, as some suppose, but it would be frozen. The 
seas and all other waters would be turned to ice, and 
death would reign universally. 

This would be the result of stubborn resistance to the 
laws of justice. In that event what would your wealth 
be worth? The rich would be like the dog in the 
manger: while they were starving others, they would 
die themselves of want. 

As wealth in money is fictitious, except so far as it 
will buy capital and labor, and this labor can be ap- 
plied to evolve commercial values from the intrinsic 
values of capital, therefore it is for the interest of the 
capitalist to divide the profits derived from labor justly 
between himself and his employes. 

For the working classes constitute three-fourths of 
the commercial world, and if they are prosperous, they 
are able to pay good prices for the commodities of the 
different manufactories of the world. But if the capi- 
talists break them down so that they are scarcely able 
to live, they will buy but little, and that of the coarsest 
and poorest quality. 

In consequence, the manufacturer finds but little sale 
for his productions, and must fail. The money-lender 
will find no borrowers, for the interest can not be made 



OR, statesman's guidf,. Ill 

upon the use of money by applying it to the purchase 
of labor. 

This all comes from the oppression of the poor, in 
robbing them of their rights, and in not properly re- 
munerating them for what they do, which produces a 
large class of paupers, who are a curse to themselves 
and to the community. 

Thus we see the greater the amount of wealth any 
one may have, the greater the amount he must yield in 
order to maintain the equilibrium in society. He pays 
just in proportion to the benefits he has received in his 
commercial transactions, which the value of his as- 
sessed wealth proves to a cent, and by the application of 
this tax in the manner I propose, his future prospects 
of gain are enhanced. He will prosper with the in- 
creased prosperity of the country. 

And right here I will mention what I said in the in- 
troduction to this essay, viz : " That some men were so 
constituted that their greatest pleasure consisted in ac- 
quiring wealth." This I said was just for several 
reasons. First, the organs of their brains are so de- 
veloped that acquisitiveness' acts as a ballast; the whole 
bent of their minds* being in that direction, even their 
sanity depends upon the activity of this organ, and they 
can not be happy in any other pursuit. Such ones are 
like the bee, which cares but little for the stores of the 
hive, but desires ever to be on the wing, now searching 
here, now there, among the various flowers and honey- 
dews, his enjoyment being in his pursuit. 

I say that it is just that such a one be happy in the 
exercise of his faculties; but in addition to this he is a 
benefit to society. Like the rhomboid, he unites many 



112 



KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE 



angles and is indispensable in forming the circle. He 
is the great inspirer of commerce ; but when he has 
filled the hive with his stores, the other bees receive a 
portion of his wealth. So those who have acquired 
much wealth, give impetus to commerce, whereby oth- 
ers are benefited also. 

What I mean by this is, if a government so legislate 
that one branch of industry receive a special benefit, 
that industry should pay a special tax to be applied in 
maintaining an equilibrium. I do not mean that the 
government should interfere to prevent men, in their 
honest pursuits, from acquiring as much wealth as they 
possibly can, but only that the government shall not by 
legislation make some excessively rich while others are 
made proportionately poor. 

It is enough if the rich annually pay a certain per 
cent, of their wealth to assist the poor, from whom, in 
the course of their commercial transactions they have 
made their fortunes. 



or, statesman's guide. 113 



CHAPTER II. 

Commerce and its Avenues — The General Government alone 
Empowered to Regulate the Avenues of Trade — Justice of 
the Enabling Act — Congress of the Nations — Eeign of 
Peace — The Grand Result. 

At the commencement of this work, in the formation 
of my hypothesis, I stated that want produced desire, 
that desires prompted inventions, but that those wants 
often exceeded the capacity to supply them ; as to pro- 
duce many of them required more skill than they 
possessed, or they were articles which could only be 
obtained from remote countries. 

From the desire for the products of foreign countries 
grew the idea of exchange ; and out of commerce the 
necessity of government. 

Those governments, when established, assumed the 
control of commerce; the local or internal commerce 
directly, the foreign by diplomacy. 

It is the right and duty of governments to see that 
all the avenues of commerce are kept open. No indi- 
vidual or minor corporation has a right to obstruct the 
natural channels of trade, such as lakes and rivers; 
neither have they a right to obstruct those made by art ; 
nor have they the right to hinder the construction of 
new roads, if it be proved that public necessity de- 
mands them. 

In consequence, the whole nation is one, and their 
interest one. But as they may differ in the different 



114 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

sections of the country, this throws the matter into 
what I call the Fourth or Eelative Sphere, and makes 
it a subject for legislation. 

If the road passed through different states, the 
right of way must be obtained from each. But this is 
not the case in the United States, for the states have 
resigned all control of commerce to the general govern- 
ment. Therefore no state has a right to hinder the 
construction of roads for carrying the commodities of 
one section of country to another. 

But in all this the "individual rights" must be 
treated as sacred. They must be Compensated for their 
loss. 

If the states were allowed to intervene and exercise 
their spite upon different sections of the country, they 
would soon destroy our internal commerce; sectional 
hatreds would be fostered, and the true union of inter- 
ests would be destroyed. The very object for which 
governments were originally created would be frus- 
trated, and rival cities and states would seek to ruin 
each other. Consequently wherever there is need of a 
road to connect any parts of the country and the com- 
merce of the section will justify its construction, should 
individuals with sufficient capital organize themselves 
into a company for that purpose, they should have the 
right of way through any portion of our country guar- 
anteed to them by act of Congress, for every road that 
is built increases the wealth and power of the country, 
and, as a nation, we become more prosperous and 
happy. 

Every general government should have positive and 
exclusive control of the internal commerce of its em- 



OR, STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 115 

pire, the sections to be obedient thereto. This is the 
only way to secure a general system of commerce and 
consequent harmony in a nation. 

If this be a just rule in a republic or empire, and 
also the best, then, if ever the nations should adopt the 
system of a Universal Congress to regulate the interna- 
tional commerce of the world, they would have the 
right to clear the avenues of commerce from all ob- 
structions, and thereby bring all sections of the world 
into cordial and equal commercial relations. 

If this were the order at the present time, such 
famines and wants as now exist in Persia would never 
be known, and such beasts as the Shah of Persia would 
cease to disgrace a throne, or curse humanity by their 
bestiality. 

I am told by some, that the nations under present 
circumstances would never agree to such an order of 
things; that they have not yet exhausted their military 
ardor. This only evinces the narrowness of their 
minds. 

Suppose the people of the United States set their 
heels upon the military profession after the order I 
stated in the preceding essays; that is, make military 
men ineligible to any civil office; make them, what 
nature makes them, dogs in human form, to fight the 
dogs of other nationalities when their statesmen and 
ours can not settle their matters by reason and the laws 
of justice. 

When they are forced from the courts of reason to 
step down upon the dog plane and settle matters like 
dogs, for this is the proper office of combativeness and 
destructiveness, to do the dirty work for the rest of the 



116 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

faculties, I say if this were done in the United States, 
the military profession would become disreputable, and 
none would care to enter it. The consequence would 
be that statesmen would be elected to fill the offices, and 
they would settle all differences with foreign powers in 
accordance with reason and justice. 

Then suppose, as I before said, that England and the 
United States should summon or invite the other pow- 
ers of the world to meet with them, in convention, 
preparatory to a universal order of things, plainly 
stating the objects of the conference,- does any one 
think the nations would not heed such a summons? 
Far from it. Especially if they were notified that 
Great Britain would of herself enter into an under- 
standing with the United States to carry this matter 
out in practice. 

We will again suppose that the nations would pay 
no attention to the summons, yet England meets 
America, and they enter into a defensive alliance, the 
basis of which is as follows: As the best interests of 
both countries consist in peace, and as the rest of the 
governments of the world refuse to co-operate in estab- 
lishing a universal order of peace, thereby showing that 
they still hold to the doctrine "of the right by con- 
quest;' therefore, we, the high contracting powers, 
Great Britain and the United States of America, do 
enter into a perpetual alliance, the basis of which shall 
be as follows : 

First. Great Britain cedes to the United States of 
America all her sovereign rights to any and all parts 
of North America. 

Second, She acknowledges the right of the United 



or, statesman's guide. 117 



States to acquire the rest of North America, with Cuba 
She furthermore guarantees the integrity and indis 
solubility of the United States. 

Third. The United States, on her part, guarantees 
the integrity of the British Empire, and that it shall 
never be dismembered by conquest. 

Fourth. Neither empire will meddle with the inter- 
nal affairs of the other. 

Fifth The ports of both countries shall be free to the 
commerce alike of either nation, with port charges the 
same to the one as to the other. 

Sixth. The navies of both nations shall be held in 
common for the defense of both. 

Seventh. All difficulties shall be settled by arbitration. 

Eighth. Any nation that sees proper to join the above 
alliance can do so at pleasure, by giving notice to the 
rest of the nations. 

Two such nations as the United States and Great 
Britain, thus allied, would form a nucleus around which 
the weaker nationalities would hover. They would 
soon join the alliance for the benefits and protection it 
would afford them. With every accession the union 
would become stronger. 

Each nation could at once, after she had joined the 
combination, disband at least one-half of her armies, 
thereby saving much expense, which would enable her 
to take a much higher stand in the scale of civilization ; 
for all the armies and navies of the new combination 
would be used in defense of the new order of things 
against the encroachments of those powers who had 
not yet entered the union. 

But when all the principal powers had entered the 



118 

combination, then could be brought about ray first prop- 
osition, namely: The abolishment of all the navies, 
except five ships of war for each of the great powers, 
these ships to be under the control of the Congress of 
the Nations, as stated in the first part of this work. 

So the reader will see that there are two ways to ac- 
complish what I proposed in relation to the establish- 
ment of a universal order of peace. 

The first is possible. The second certain.* 

If we were possessed of prophetic ken we might take 
a view of the future condition of man under this new 
dispensation. 

First. America with her boundless territories settled 
by hundreds of millions of people, whose civilization as 
& common thing would equal the highest of our philos 
ophers at this day ; and her philosophers and statesmen 
would be proportionately higher than they now are 
We would see North and South America connected by 
many lines of railroads, each interwoven by a network 
of roads connecting every city and every port. We 
would see an abundance of delightful watering-places 
and other fine places of resort; see how charmingly 
they were built and adorned, nothing that art or the 
genius of man could accomplish for beauty, elegance, 
and usefulness being wanting; see the wonderful beaut} 7 
of form and feature, both of the men and women, the 
reflex of the exalted civilization then prevailing; see 



*Our author perhaps has assumed too much at the outset. 
Probably there are insurmountable barriers to prevent the United 
States and Great Britain from ever inaugurating such a move 
ment. — Editor. 



or, statesman's guide. 119 

peace and equality reigning everywhere, with no poor, 
but all enjoying the blessing of competence; see that 
all tyranny of man over man had been destroyed, and 
the curses that followed as a consequence no longer in 
existence; see human beings no longer cursed with un- 
natural, loathsome, and painful diseases, but all enjoy- 
ing a high degree of health, both of body and mind ; 
and all having abundance of time to enjoy themselves 
socially, and to educate themselves amply in every 
branch of learning calculated to exalt human nature, 
and develop, strengthen, quicken, purify, and adorn the 
mental and spiritual faculties. 

Satisfaction beams in the countenance of all, for they 
have about gained the victory and have accomplished 
their own salvation. 

We look to Europe, and we see the same improve- 
ments. We find no standing armies, keeping the 
people in awe while working themselves to death to 
support them ; but we see them free, and the conscious- 
ness of their power has changed their features from 
severity to the noble and independent look of their 
American brethren. 

We look to Asia and Africa, and they, too, present 
the same appearance. 

Asia is knit together by hundreds of thousands of 
miles of railroads; and Africa is also blooming with the 
same grand civilization. National prejudices are de- 
stroyed, for the various languages used by different na- 
tions, which was one of the greatest causes of animosity 
between them, have given way to one universal lan- 
guage, the result of a universal system of commerce. 
The world is but one country, and the nations of the 



120 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

earth have become one. Man can now travel in all 
parts of the world and feel at home. Aye, look with eye 
prophetic upon the high state of cultivation ! 

The earth also teems with a superabundance. See 
the vineyards and the orchards of every kind of fruit; 
see the beautiful arbors and parks, the splendid resi- 
dences, magnificent public edifices, fine roads, and every 
conceivable elegance and luxury which have resulted 
from man's exalted accomplishments! 

Behold, everything is in a flourishing condition, for 
all perform their quota of labor, and yet all have an 
abundance of leisure for mental, moral, and spiritual 
culture. 

See neighbor meet neighbor; all is peace and joy and 
friendship. They are all satisfied. 

This is the glorious reign of peace, brought about by 
obedience to the laws of our being, without war, with- 
out bloodshed, and without miracle. 

But we turn to the home of science, the capital of the 
world, where reside the mighty statesmen who have in- 
augurated this new era. Here perfection reigns. The 
wise of all nations meet here continually to exchange 
and interchange ideas. The city is thronged by hun- 
dreds of thousands of the best of the human race. All 
that wealth and art could do, has been done in and 
around this city. Its beauties are unsurpassable and 
beyond description. They mark the era and represent 
the civilization of the times. They are a monument to 
this age, as the pyramids of Egypt are to an age and 
civilization which would otherwise have been forgotten. 

In this connection I will note the necessity of other 
nations passing an enabling act. It would be unjust in 



OR, STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 121 

other nations to suffer their paupers to emigrate to this 
country and be supplied with homes at the expense of 
the American people. Not that they have no right to a 
part of the unoccupied lands; but that they may bebene- 
tited by the enabling act, after our government has 
passed such an act, it should demand of other govern- 
ments to pass similar acts. Those winch do not possess 
unoccupied lands, and whose territories are already 
overrun, the population being too dense for their natu- 
ral resources — they having no outlet for their super- 
abundant population — our government should demand 
of such governments that they supply the means to such 
as wish to emigrate to this country to occupy and im- 
prove the homes which this government will give them. 
This is nothing but justice to their poor and to this 
government. To their poor for the unrequited labors 
they have performed in their native country, and to 
this country for providing homes for their poor; for 
they will be relieved of the burden their poor would 
have been to them, and the balance of their population 
will be much happier for their absence. 

But to avoid fraud and deception on the part of those 
who immigrate with the avowed purpose of settling on 
our public lands, as they might merely pretend so to do, 
in order to gain the amount of money from their gov- 
ernments appropriated for their outfit, and yet not settle 
on those lands, but squander the means in dissipation, 
there should be an arrangement of this kind entered 
into : 

1. None but able-bodied, sober, and industrious per- 
sons could be proper applicants. 

2. The government from whence they came should 



122 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

give to each head of a family a certificate stating the 
amount that the government will pay when the certifi- 
cate is presented to the proper officer in America. 

3. This officer would certify that the holder of the 
certificate had duly entered and settled upon a portion 
of our public lands. 

4. These certificates, when thus signed, would be a 
legal draft upon the country from whence they emi- 
grated, and could be cashed by this government and 
held as claims against the country issuing them, to be 
settled annually; or such countries might place money 
on deposit in this country for that purpose. 

Such an arrangement should be made with every gov- 
ernment. 

If the nations will abolish the practice of war, they 
can save enough thereby to give homes to all their poor. 
War is naught but an abuse of power, and beastly at 
best. The only question is, shall the nations abolish 
its practice, and thus save enough to provide homes for 
all who wish, and thereby drive want, with all other 
evils, from their lands, and establish the reign of peace 
and plenty throughout the world. 

Continue the present practice of war, and you will 
entail poverty and want upon more than half of the 
people, making them fit tools for the tyrants of the race 
to enslave the other half and to slaughter each other. 

If men were not poor and in want, they could never 
be thus controlled ; for man is not naturally the enemy 
of man. Will not the people arise in their might, abol- 
ish war and its evils, and inaugurate the glorious reign 
of peace? 



or, statesman's guide. 123 



CHAPTER III. 

Classification of Rights Illustrated — The Sunday Question 
Discussed at Length — Its Sacredness Considered — Moses 
Severely Catechised. 

In this chapter we will consider and illustrate the 
classification of rights. 

As an example, we will select the Sunday question. 

This question, at the present time, is agitating the 
minds of the American people as much, or more, than 
any other. It seems to be fraught with great difficulty, 
and much mischief may yet result from its being pre- 
sented as a subject for political action, in consequence 
of the great variety of religious sects, each entertain- 
ing different views in regard to it, although in the main 
agreeing. 

Then there is a class of the people who do not be- 
long to any sect, and which outnumbers all the sects put 
together. The hope of the country rests upon them. 
In this class is included the scientists, philosophers, 
rationalists, and infidels, constituting the best and moot 
intelligent portion of the people. 

The religionists, as a general thing, are ver} 7 igno- 
rant and superstitious. They venerate the past, look 
to precedents, and think the ancients superior in all 
respects to the people of the present age; and that 
Jehovah stood in closer relation to the great men of 
those times, gave his injunctions directly to them by 



124 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE J 

word of mouth, and familiarly talked with them, face 
to face. They believe that those injunctions were not 
only intended for the people of that day, but for all 
coming time; and that they are obligatory, not only 
upon the Israelites, but upon all peoples of the world. 
They believe, also, that a violation of those command- 
ments is fraught with evils to those who violate them 
and to the governments which permit such violation. 
They are too ignorant and superstitious to even ques- 
tion the possibility of fraud having been practiced upon 
them by those self-constituted vicegerents of the great 
Jehovah. To question the truthfulness or sacred char- 
acter of their injunctions, in their estimation, would be 
sacrilegious, if not downright blasphemy. Besides, 
they put a false construction even upon what is written. 
They err in the entire process of executing the law. 

If they would only think, they would see that the 
law, even if it were a genuine injunction given by God 
to Moses, had no bearing upon any other people than 
the Israelites ; and was a part of the Divine economy by 
which they were to be made a peculiar people. 

The object was to restrain the tyrannical and ava- 
ricious masters from oppressing their slaves. Moses 
knew that nature required at least one day in seven 
for rest and recuperation. He also knew that the blood 
of the slaves would, in course .of time, be mixed with 
all the nation and thereby contaminate them and retard 
the achievement of the expected national peculiarity, 
which he sought, the final production of a first-class 
statesman or Savior. 

If he had extended the injunction to any of the 
neighboring nations, their rulers would have demanded 



OR, statesman's guide. 125 

by what authority he demanded those things? If, in 
answer, in such a case, he had said, the Lord commanded 
me to do so ; and more, if he had shown them the injunc- 
tion written upon the table of stone, the rulers would 
have asked, "Are you certain the Lord wrote those? Did 
you ever see the Lord ? Have you any particular ac- 
quaintance with him? Might you not be in error about 
the matter? Have } t ou seen all the hosts of heaven, 
and formed their acquaintance, and did they give you 
an introduction to this one and tell yon he was the 
Sovereign Euler of the universe? And did you see 
sovereign greatness beaming from his countenance, 
which warranted the appellation of Jehovah, 'Lord of 
lords,' and 'King of kings?' Friend Moses, please tell 
us honestly all about the matter." 

In response, would not Moses have been compelled 
to say: "Verily, sirs, I can not say that I am per- 
sonally acquainted with any of the hosts, much less 
with their king, the Ruler of the heavens. But I will 
tell you, however, what I did see. At one time, when 
we were encamped at the foot of Mt. Sinai, the Lord 
told me that on a certain day he would descend from 
heaven and meet me upon Mt. Sinai, where be would 
give me a code of laws whereby I could govern my 
people, or His people, as he called them. 

" Sure enough, at the appointed time the skies grew 
black with clouds, the lightnings flashed, the thunders 
rolled, and the top of the mountain was enveloped in 
smoke. 

"I went up according to direction. It was so dark 
that I could see nothing ; yet I heard a voice, as of man. 
I conversed familiarly with the voice; it entertained 



126 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE ; 



me for forty days and nights, while the Lord was en- 
graving his commandments upon the stone." 

"Did not the people become restless and murmur at 
your long absence?" 

"Most assuredly they did. They did worse. For. 
as it thundered and lightened incessantly, the moun- 
tain was in a constant blaze, and they thought I had 
perished. They therefore demanded of Aaron, my 
brother, that he make for them gods to go before and 
lead them. 

"'As for this man Moses,' they said, 'we wot not 
what has become of him.' 

"Perhaps my brother also thought I had perished. 
He, therefore, either from cowardice or some other 
motive, consented to their wishes. He told them to 
bring all their spare gold to him. They did so, and he 
cast it into the fire, and it came out a calf. This Aaron 
told me, but I knew it was not exactly so, as a golden 
calf could not thus walk out of the fire. There must 
have been some design or model made beforehand. 
Besides, the calf was an imitation of the God of Egypt, 
which was a bull. 

"This Aaron did to pacify the Egyptian proselytes 
that were among us. This I knew, and more, that 
Aaron was as deep in the mire as they were in the 
mud ; but I could not afford to have a rupture with him, 
and so I pretended to be angry with the people. I 
threw down the tables of stone and broke them." 

" And what did you do with the calf? " 

" I ground it into powder, burned it ioto ashes, put 
tbe ashes into water, and made the people drink it. 
Then, to teach the people a lesson, so that they might 



OR, STATESMAN S GUIDE. 127 

not rebel again, I had the Levites arm themselves and 
ylay some three thousand of the transgressors." 

" But, friend Moses, this was horrible." 

" Yes, but it was the only course left for me to pur- 
sue." 

" Well, but you have not yet answered our questions 
in regard to this pretended God of yours. In all your 
transactions did you not have an opportunity to see 
him. And can you not give us some idea of his ap- 
pearance?" 

" Well, when I returned to get a new edition of the 
stone tables I begged hard to see him, and to see the 
glory of his countenance ; but he would in nowise show 
his face. ' For,' said he, ' no one could see my face and 
live.' But finally he told me I might see his back. So 
he covered me in the cleft of a rock until he had passed, 
then I beheld his back." 

" Then you did see his person after all. Had he more 
than one head; had he wings; had he the general ap- 
pearance of a man? " 

"He had but one head, had no wings, and had the 
appearance of a man in every respect." 

" So you have but his own word that he was the King 
of the Universe ? None of the hosts ever confirmed this : 
nor, in fact, are you acquainted with any one of them ? " 

"I am not." 

" Do you think this the same being who performed 
those wondrous feats of psychology and jugglery before 
Pharaoh, making him see a hoop-pole swallow a four- 
horse-wagon-load of other hoop-poles, in the form of 
snakes ? The same who told you to order your people 
to obtain all the gold, silver, and other valuables they 



128 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE: 



possibty could, by false pretenses, from the Egyptians? 
The same who ordered you to mark the doors of 
your people to save them from the general assassination 
of the poor, innocent, first-born of Egypt? So that 
while they were in great consternation and turmoil, 
you could escape with the ill-gotten wealth of your 
enemies? 

"The same who appeared to Abraham, with two 
others, while on their way to commit arson in Sodom, 
and destroy the lives of its people, including innocent 
women and helpless children ; and whose feet were so 
dirty that Abraham had to wash them? The same who 
ate a fine, tender calf, with butter, milk, and cakes 
made by Sarah out of fine flour? 

"We never knew gods would eat calves, butter, milk, 
and cakes. It seems they are carniverous animals. 

"Was he the same one who smeared your face with 
phosphorous to m k© it shine, so that the people, on 
seeing it, would be frightened out of their senses? 

"And why did you keep Joshua in the sanctuary day 
and night? Was he the chief juggler? 

"And why did you fill a pot with phosphorous, keep 
it to light your sacrifices, tell the people that it was sa- 
cred and that the Lord had given it for that purpose, 
when you knew it was but its natural appearance, and 
there was nothing mysterious about it? 

"By this means you deceived the people, and palmed 
off your own inventions as those of the Lord. 

"Your people were very ignorant and could be gov- 
erned in no other way than through fear of the Lord. 

"Friend Moses, we are horrified. 

"The institution of the Sabbath is good of itself, but 



OR, STATESMAN S GUIDE. 129 

we do not respect or obey it on account of its divine 
origin. 

"We are astonished that you could be cajoled and 
hoodwinked b}' such an influence as to wander about 
for forty years in the wilderness?" 
' "Pray, sirs, what do you mean; in what way have I 
been deceived?" 

"We will sum up the matter and then you will see: 

"First. The Lord is an unchangeable being, both in 
person and principle ; that is, if there be a personal God, 
and perfect in all his attributes. 

" Second. If he is the father of the universe, he must 
be seated in its center, for he is the soul thereof. The 
seat of the soul of man is in the brain. 

"Just as well expect the soul to take its seat in the 
heel, as to think God descended upon Mt. Sinai ; for He, 
being the center of all action, should He move in space, 
the universe would follow in regular order, his relative 
position in the center being unchanged. We see this 
by man's movements. He may run or perform any 
other exercise, yet the soul maintains its position. So 
you perceive it could not have been the sovereign of 
the heavens who would not show his face to you, but it 
must have been an impostor, and perhaps feared detec- 
tion should he permit his face to be seen. 

"There are other reasons to be presented in favor of 
this supposition. There must, from all accounts, be 
many gods, or else he must be very changeable in per- 
son. If there be many, we must first know which has the 
precedence before we can consent to obey his injunc- 
tions, for a superior might annul them and chastise us 
for obedience to an impostor. 



130 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

"We have strong suspicions, Moses, that this God of 
yours is an impostor for the following reasons: He 
would not let you see his face, and said no one could see 
his face and live ; yet many saw the face of some one 
who represented himself as God. He walked with 
Enoch three hundred years, and conversed with him 
freely face to face. Adam also saw him, and thus knew 
that man was made in his image. Abraham saw him and 
his face which was that of a man. Jacob wrestled with 
him one whole night, and he was scarcely a match for 
the old supplanter. 

"They all saw his face and yet lived. But that was 
so long before, perhaps the Lord had forgotten it. 
And yet he declared he was the same God of Abraham, 
Isaac, and Jacob. 

"Yet another person saw one who called himself the 
chief of Gods. He saw not only his face, but faces. 
This god had four bodies, and each body had four 
faces — the face of an ox, a lion, an eagle, and a man to 
each body. And moreover he ran on wheels. This 
was a strange and an awful god to look upon. He also 
had wings, which proves him to have been finite and 
subject to law, at least of gravitation ; and even having 
feet, showed the necessity of locomotion. The Infinite 
is present at all times, at all places; therefore needs no 
wings or feet. 

"And still another one saw the Lord Most High in 
the temple, and he was a different looking one from all 
the rest. 

" Now one thing is sure, Moses, if your God is un- 
changeable, there must be several gods, for the forms 



or, statesman's guide. 131 

presented could not be recognized as identical, for each 
differed from all the rest. 

" Each one that appeared, however, claimed superior- 
ity over all previous comers. In such a case we could 
not know whose injunctions to follow. It is more likely 
they were all finite and impostors. 

"But, Moses, we will consider this matter a little fur- 
ther. Thi3 god told you he made the earth in six days, 
rested on the seventh ; and in commemoration of that 
event, we must keep holy each seventh day, and rest 
from all labor. 

"But if it turns out that he did not make the earth 
in six days, then he has no claims upon us, and it will 
prove him to have been an impostor — an ignoramus 
who knew very little about universal matters. 

"Now, since your time, we have made ourselves 
masters of many of the laws of nature ; we have ac- 
quired and evolved many of the sciences, particularly 
chemistry, physiology, and geology. By physiology 
we can tell the exact age of any tree, or anything that 
has a regular and natural formation. So, too, by geol- 
ogy we can tell the ages of the continents and islands 
to a certainty. And we find, by the earth's own record, 
which is the true record of the real maker, be he who 
he may, that it was never made in six days, nor six 
thousand years; it required millions. So this god knew 
nothing of its creation, much less created it. Therefore 
his statute in regard to the Sabbath is not binding on us. 

"Besides, his character is not good. He upheld the 
villainy of Jacob in cheating Esau, his brother, and 
deceiving his blind old father Isaac; he sanctioned the 
assassination of the Egyptians, and also obtaining their 



132 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

goods from them under false pretenses; he was also 
inconsistent in making you the leader of his people, 
when, according to his own law, he ought to have had 
your blood shed for murdering those Egyptians before 
you fled to Media. 

"We begin to suspect there is but little of the Lord's 
doings in these matters, and that you know but very 
little about the Lord. At least, you did not seem to 
fear him; for what servant of a king who was bearing 
his good will to his subjects, but happening to be a little 
insulted, would destroy the king's mandate and expect 
to escape punishment? Methinks no one would, and 
then return with so much confidence and composure as 
you did, expecting a new edition. 

" It looks much as though you made it yourself. If 
God made the earth in six days, it seems strange that it 
should have taken him forty days and nights to write 
those matters on stone, when an ordinary stone-cutter 
could have performed the entire work in as many hours. 
He> should have done it instantly. No, Moses, you made 
it yourself; and your people "were very ignorant and 
superstitious, therefore you said, 'Thus saith the Lord.' 

"Do you suppose we could think you honest after 
telling that calf story? 

"You said you ground it up aud burned it to ashes, 
then sprinkled them in water and gave it to the people to 
drink. The lie and villainy are transparent. We know 
that gold can not be burned to ashes. And why did 
you wish the people to drink? Was it good for medi- 
cine? were the people sick, or did you wish to kill 
them? Pray, sir, what did you and Aaron do with the 
golden calf? It was all a trick understood by you and 



OR, STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 133 

Aaron. You knew the people would become impatient, 
and imagine you were consumed in the fire on the 
mountain. You also knew their idolatrous inclinations. 
Aaron was to demand the spare gold, and to do just 
.what he did. Your anger was merely pretense. You 
and Aaron divided the calf; and for fear the people 
would demand their gold again, you pretended to burn 
it to ashes and dissolve it in water. You then frighten 
the people fearfully about the wrath of God and keep 
their gold. 

"The fact is, you loved mammon better than the 
Lord, or you would not have destroyed his command- 
ments. I suppose you and Aaron worshiped the calf 
secretly, as do the demagogues and false priests of this 
day." 

" If you are done questioning me, I believe I will go," 
said Moses, " for I feel a little bad about the matter. I 
had no idea that any one would think thus, or that you 
would question nie so severely." 

"No, Moses, have a little patience, and we will show 
you how we settle matters that are called sacred and 
belong to the divine. "While you are here, we would 
like to have you explain the philosophy of your system 
— your idea of making Israel a peculiar people." 

"Well, I think I can make you understand it in few 
words," responded Moses. "I had the same idea of 
humanity, in many respects, that your phrenologists 
and physiologists have ; and I, being naturally a states- 
man, could almost span the circle. I could see the past, 
the present, and the future. I read them as you do by 
association. As all statesmen are mentally clairvoyant, 
I could see the future as well as the past as distinctly 



134 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE J 

as you can see any natural object. Yet there was one 
particular thing we ancients all mistook; that is, we 
thought man was naturally inclined to evil, hence our 
legislation was pretty generally in the wrong direction. 
By our false legislation we succeeded in perverting 
man, so that the statesmen of your day have the great- 
est trouble to eradicate our false teachings. But you 
ought to know, and do know, that every age produces 
its own statesmen ; for that is the very thing I taught, 
and the thing you asked me about. 

"I knew the effect of pre-natal conditions, therefore 
my whole economy was to continually give better con- 
ditions from one generation to another, so that each 
succeeding one should supersede their ancestors ; and 
that, finally, as a consequence, there would be produced 
a perfect statesman, savior, or lawgiver. We were con- 
scious that we knew but little of man's origin or destiny, 
and as little of his constitutional nature. We believed 
this great man would do as your Franklin did when he 
sent his magnet up into the clouds to bring down the 
lightning: he would draw the higher fire and wisdom 
from the supernal heavens, and announce the truth in 
relation to man. I told the people plainly that my 
laws would only abide until a superior statesman would 
arise — one much like myself — and unto him would the 
gathering of the people be, and he would give them a 
new code. 

" But, you will ask, did he confirm the Sabbath ? By 

no means. He taught that what was right to be done 

on one day was right on all days. He kept no Sabbath, 

nor taught the observance of any. So you do not mis- 

nderstand, I mean to say the wisdom of each age is 



OR, STATESMAN S GUIDE. 135 

for that age. You can also benefit by our wisdom as 
well as our folly. 

"You have advantages in the improved age in which 
you live that we never imagined, and you would be 
foolish to look back to us for wisdom. 

"One word I would say, that is, face the sunshine. 
Never walk backward. Cease to worship the shadows 
of the past; admire the present, and anticipate the fu- 
ture. I will again say, you live in a happy age. In 
my time, there was not a statesman in a thousand years 
who could span the circle. If you succeed in main- 
taining your happy republic, before one hundred years 
you will be a nation of statesmen, and many thousands 
will be able to span the circle. 

" As you said you had a new mode of trying cases, I 
will tarry and hear, for I am in a much better mood 
than I was awhile ago." 

"Well, Moses, we see plainly where your error was. 
You did not understand first principles. You thought 
God created all things from naught. First, the mate- 
rial universe, then the living beings, among which was 
man. Second, that there were no rights but what were 
the gifts of the Creator. Third, that this Being was 
above all law, not being subject to any restraint, not 
even the laws of his own nature. With him the most 
positive wrongs were right, or els.e he would not have 
ordered the Lovites to slay their brethren. Fourth, 
you knew nothing of the threefold nature of the mind, 
therefore took the finite for the infinite, from whence 
came your greatest error. You knew nothing of the in- 
finite or universal mind; knew little of the divine, or 
its mode of governing; in fact, knew comparatively 



136 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

— 

nothing of man or the philosophy of his nature. You 
thought him a beast and tried to rule him as such. 
But we have ascertained that man is quite a different 
being in his cosntitution as well as in his relation to 
all things, not excepting the Universal Divinity. He 
is himself divine. This was discovered in part many 
ages ago, for the very lawgiver you announced, pro- 
claimed the fact in these words: '.Render to Ca3sar 
the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things 
that are His.' This plainly indicates that Csesar had 
rights which were as inviolable as thos-e appertaining 
to God ; also, that there are bounds beyond which 
even gods dare not pass." 

These are contained in the eternal constitution of 
universal nature, to which the gods, or the great God, 
is subject equally with man and the lower order of 
animals. 

These phases of mind and of rights have been classi- 
fied and illustrated in a previous chapter of this work. 
I will only apply them here to the Sunday question, in 
order that we may know what may and what may not 
be done, in accordance with the principles of nature. 



OR, statesman's guide. 137 



CHAPTER IV. 

Arrest and Trial of a Sabbath Breaker — Defendant Claims a 
Nonsuit — Mr. Busybody Appears — Defendant Pleads his 
Case at Length. 

We will now suppose a man arrested for a violation 
of the Sabbath. He is arraigned before a justice of the 
peace. The hour of trial has arrived, and the case is 
called. 

Justice of the Peace. — Mr. T., you are arraigned be- 
fore this court on the charge of violating the holy Sab- 
bath day, by performing manual labor — working in your 
garden, pruning your orchard, chopping wood, etc. 
Are you ready for trial ? 

Mr. T. — Yes, sir. But where is my accuser? 

Justice — He is in court — Mr. Busybody. 

Mr. T. — If the court please, I object to Mr. Busy- 
body as a witness, and claim a nonsuit on the ground 
of the non-appearance of the plaintiff, or any legally 
authorized agent in his stead. 

If I have wronged Mr. Busybody in any way by my 
labors, I do not refuse to compensate him ; but he does 
not bring an action for damages done to himself, but a 
suit in the name of another, without his credentials 
showing that he is a legally authorized agent of the 
person in whose name the prosecution is brought. 

1 demand that the Lord appear according to law, 
either in person or by his legally authorized agent, and 
prosecute the case; or in default I claim a nonsuit. 



138 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

All men, in some respects, are free from all others' 
control. In such matters their own judgment must 
rule, for it is supposed that each one knows his own 
wants best, and what his peculiar tastes are. Conse- 
quently they are not responsible to any one for the use 
they make of their faculties, or for their actions, so 
long as they do not in any way infringe upon the rights 
of others. If one person does violate the rights of an- 
other, the person aggrieved is the only one who has a 
right to complain or seek redress. This same rule holds 
good in civil as well as criminal matters. A party 
without a claim has no right to bring an action. No 
party can maintain an action on the claims of another 
without the consent of the true claimant, either as his 
agent or assignee. Next, the accused and accuser must 
appear in court, the one to accuse, or claim, either in 
person, or by an agent — the other to defend himself 
against him. But if either party fails to appear, either 
in person or by a legally authorized agent, if it be the de- 
fendant, judgment will go by default, but if the plain- 
tiff fails to appear, the defendant can claim a nonsuit. 

Justice. — It is evident the Lord will not appear in this 
case. I know the law demands that the accuser and 
accused shall appear to plead and interplead, each in 
his own interests, but you certainly did not expect to 
meet the Lord here to day to accuse you of violating 
his Sabbath ? 

Mr. T. — Most assuredly I did not. And, as he does 
not appear, it looks as though he did not care; and as 
no other has a right to prosecute his claim without his 
consent or being properly authorized, I therefore claim 
a nonsuit in the case. 



or, statesman's guide. 139 

Mr. Busybody. — I claim the right to prosecute this 
case. 

Defendant. — What ! as an agent of the Lord? If so. 
where are your credentials? Are they in the actual 
handwriting of the Lord? If not, they are spurious, 
and you have no authority whatever. 

Mr. B. — Oh ! but I am a minister of the Gospel, and 
it is our duty to enforce these things: 

Defendant. — But this country is not under the control 
of the Church, neither is the Church under the control 
of the State, so long as she keeps herself within her 
own proper limits. 

I claim a nonsuit for other reasons : 

1. The case is not within the jurisdiction of the state 
or its courts. The observance or non-observance of the 
Sabbath is a matter to be settled by each person, as it 
belongs to the reserved rights of individuals, which are 
inalienable. 

2. I belong to no church, therefore the church has 
no jurisdiction in the case, neither have I been ar- 
raigned before the church. This seems to be an at- 
tempt to rob Caesar of his rights, for Caesar has a right 
to do with his own as he pleases. He has the supreme 
right to his own body, to do with it as it may please 
him. His privilege is to enjoy himself after his own 
taste, so long as he allows all others the same privilege ; 
and, if he violates the rights of others, they have the 
right of redress. 

But no one has a right to redress the Lord. The 
Lord is able to take care of himself. It is an utter im- 
possibility for one individual to intervene between 
another person and God, for there is no void space be- 



140 

tween them. He needs no mediator. He is immediately 
there at all times, and instantly executes his judgments. 
He needs no help. The case belongs neither to the 
church nor the state — neither has jurisdiction in the 
matter. Neither has the Court of Heaven jurisdiction 
in this case, for 1 have violated none of the rights of 
either. What have I done in this case that infringes 
upon the state? Has my laboring in my vineyard in- 
jured any persons in the community? If so, why do 
they not bring an action for personal damages in their 
own name? 

As for the church, her authority as an organization 
is very limited. She has no authority over any mem- 
bers' of society outside of her organization. Each sect 
has power only over those who agree to abide by her 
authority, and that only so far as the state permits a 
man to compromise himself. But this action is brought 
in the name of the Lord, to be tried before one of the 
courts of the state. 

I have shown that I was not amenable to this court — : 
that I had violated no law within its jurisdiction, and 
that I was not responsible to any of the churches, not 
being a member of any one of them. 

I have proved that neither has jurisdiction in the 
case, it belonging to quite a different order of things. 

I have clearly shown that not only was I arraigned 
before a court not having jurisdiction in the case, but 
accused by a person having no authority. There is, 
therefore, no necessity of appealing to a' higher court. 
A superior court would not have jurisdiction in the 
case more than this court. 

And should we appeal to the Court of Heaven, I have 



OR, STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 141 

proven that even that would not have jurisdiction in 
the case, as I had practiced only my inalienable rights 
as an individual, having infringed in no case upon the 
same rights of others. 

There is but one court left, which is the highest court 
of appeal in this case, viz: the Court of Reason, seated 
in my own mind. In this case I am responsible to 
myself only. If I do myself an injury, the involuntary 
powers of my nature chastise me just in proportion to 
my wrongs. And these are the very things that great 
Lawgiver advised, viz: rendering to Caesar the things 
that were Caesar's. 

Every court has precedence in its own sphere. That 
of God in things that pertain to him; the state in that 
which appertains to the state, which is the representa- 
tive of the people, or what is called in the previous 
classification, "the fourth sphere," or the relative in- 
dividual estate. 

In nature there is no recognition of an organized 
church. Each individual is directly related to the 
Divine in person, and those things that pertain to this 
class are not subjects for legislation, for man should not 
presume to teach God how to deal with the various 
peculiarities of men. As no two are alike in their 
temperaments, desires, and tastes, and as no one can 
know so well what is good for another as he knows 
himself, therefore his own judgment must decide. The 
divinity residing in each individual is the light whereby 
he is governed, and the highest possible authority. If, 
therefore, this divinity prompts a man to seek his self- 
good by working in his vineyard, or in doing anything 



142 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

else, so long as it does not hinder others from enjoying 
the same privileges, there is no right of action. 

!Now this court is the highest in order of all the 
courts, the state being lower, or the lowest. It is not 
proper to arraign a superior before an inferior court. I 
stated in my "rights of things" that the individual 
rights were the first and basis of all other rights, there- 
fore the most sacred of all. 

When we violate them we strike at the foundation of 
the universal order of things and make war upon the 
eternal principles of right, and put ourselves in antag- 
onism with all law. 

The Lord's rights, if there be a Lord, is exactly upon 
the same principle. His rights as an individual are no 
more sacred than those of any other individual. 

But, as a general principle of right, they are all one. 
For example, if we violate the divine right in an indi- 
vidual, we thereby violate the divine right or nature 
of deity, for he lives in all. Thus we see that indi- 
vidual rights are the highest and most sacred. And 
among those rights are those of free action in the pur- 
suit of our personal promptings toward happiness. 

The church has no authority over the people, either 
in this country, or any other, by actual right, and where 
it exercises any it does it by usurpation, for nature re- 
cognizes no such an institution. It is superfluous. 
There is no room for a church as a governing power, 
for its admission would be an argument to prove that 
our doctrine of what constitutes a true statesman is 
fallacious. 

If the statesman can span the circle and comprehend 
the wants of society, both in their minutiae and ulti- 



OR, STATESMAN S GUIDE. 



U3 



mates, he needs not the assistance of a dogmatic priest. 
He should shun them as he would a thief. 
• They have cursed the world ever since the first one 
made his appearance. Their whole interest is to keep 
the people ignorant and superstitious. They are the 
natural enemies of science, and they have instigated 
wars and caused blood to flow like rivers. 

They have arrayed nation against nation, and conti- 
nent against continent, not only in their crusades against 
Islamism, but they have been, and still are, at variance 
with all religions in the world which do not accept their 
dogmas. This is not only true of christian priests, but 
the priests of all religions of the world. 

The statesmen of this day have more trouble with 
them, and the evil influences they have entailed through- 
out the course of ages upon the race, than from all other 
difficulties combined. 

The great work of the statesman now is to emanci- 
pate mankind from the evil influences of the so-called 
church. The church has no authority outside its own 
limited corporation. It has no power to bind anything 
on anybody contrary to their own wishes. If the mem- 
bers do not like their church, they can withdraw and 
be as free as a rationalist or infidel, and the church has 
no right to even ask a question. 

It is evident from the workings of the priests that 
they wish to regain power } and put the state under their 
control. All good and wise men should resist this, for 
with that our liberties would cease, and we would take 
the downward course to degradation and ruin. 

A monarchy of the worst type would follow; igno- 
rance and superstition would rule; science and wisdom 



144 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

would be cast into the shade; the goddess of liberty- 
would be dethroned, and the so-called vicegerent of 
God, the Pope, assume her prerogatives, however igno- 
rant, wicked, or repulsive he might be. 

God forbid that poor humanity should once more be 
cursed with the whoredoms of Babylon. This need 
never occur if our statesmen are only true to their 
trusts. 

They should watch the priests as they would robbers 
and assassins — Protestant as well as Catholic, for they 
are all dangerous and an imposition upon humanity. 
Do not the rationalists and infidels fare as well as the 
churchmen? Yes, and much better, for wisdom is bet- 
ter than ignorance. I would not have the reader think 
that I disbelieve in or disregard religion. 

I believe in and prize it. But I want no one to inter- 
vene between me and the Divinity. Neither do I want 
any one to point out to me what to worship ; for those 
things which in nature reflect the glories of the Divin- 
ity, will of themselves call forth the tributes of my soul. 

When a man meddles in these matters, he is tamper- 
ing with things far too sacred. This is the sphere of 
God himself, where he meets the soul in its sanctuary, 
which is open to none but God. Shame on any priest 
who will try to crowd the Lord out of his sanctuary in 
the souls and minds of men, and endeavor to rob him of 
his just tributes.* 

But the question will arise, " What can the legislature 
do in this case and not violate the individual rights?" 
Its duty is to protect them. It can establish an order 



or. statesman's gutde. 1-45 



of this kind: That on every seventh day, all persons 
who have judgment enough to take care of themselves 
shall be free to do as they please, to enjoy themselves 
as best they can to suit their own minds, provided they 
do not infringe on the rights of others. 

I love the Sabbath myself, but for quite a different 
reason than many others. It is a set day in which we 
know all others are at leisure. It afford** the socialist 
the best opportunity for the interchange of ideas. It 
is the great opportunity to weave the social ties of com- 
munity. It lays the foundation of loving the neighbor 
as ourselves. It is the great builder and educator of 
society. I should never wish the Sabbath annulled by 
law, or established thereby, but to be kept as a custom. 
There is no institution more dear to me; not for its 
supposed divine origin, but for its own merits. 

The reader will see by this that governments have no 
right to legislate upon religious matters. They belong 
to what I call the second sphere, or "the relative of the 
individual to the divine," which corresponds to the 
fifth sphere, viz: "the independence of the individual to 
the individual." But the keeping of the Sabbath is not 
of necessity a religious observance. It is a matter of 
taste, such as the individual has positive control of. It 
belongs to the "third sphere," "the positive independ- 
ent," both in relation to God and man. This is the 
sphere which the Nazarine recognized as belonging to 
Caesar. "We must render to all the Csesars the things 
that pertain to them ; for all Americans are Ccesars or 
sovereigns. So, Moses, if you are satisfied, we will bid 
you adieu for the present. 



146 



CHAPTER V. 

Different Temperaments, Desires, and Tastes Characterize 
Different Individuals — In Consequence, Diverse Religions 
Prevail — Three Natural Phases of Religion which all 
Pass through in the Course of Time, the Animal, the 
Sympathetic, and the Intellectual. 

Men are so differently organized, their temperaments 
and tastes are so various, that each is the best judge of 
his own wants; and in consequence of this difference, 
their religions are various. 

That which will call forth the religious sentiments in 
one will not affect another; neither will the things that 
affected us religiously when young have any effect upon 
us in after years. It is the good, the grand, the beau- 
tiful in nature, which call forth man's adoration. It is 
the good that makes him thankful, and the lovely that 
makes him affectionate. The beautiful calls forth his 
praise and adoration. 

The reader will find that there are three natural 
orders or phases of religion. Each person in course of 
time will pass through these three phases. The first is 
the animal religion ; the second is the sympathetic, or 
christian ; and the third, the intellectual, or the philo- 
sophic religion. I will illustrate them in detail. But 
I must first apologize for writing about religion in a 
work like this. I merely intend to show that it is 
impossible for either priest or statesman to regulate 
religion. Every attempt to do so on their part is an 



or, statesman's guide. 147 



act of tyranny, as they can by no possibility interfere 
between the creature and the Creator. 

We will commence with the animal religion. The 
animal organs lie back and in the base of the brain. 
They are the first to be developed and the first to be 
used. The two other departments are always dependent 
upon this. The animal man rejoices in that which sat- 
isfies his animal wants. He lives in those organs; the 
intellectual and moral are both subject to them. He 
can see no divinity in anything which does not admin- 
ister to his animal wants. They are right, so far as the 
scope of their knowledge extends ; for on this low plane 
they see the reflection of divinity in the production of 
those matters. The result calls forth the tribute of their 
souls. They pray for those things, and give thanks 
when they receive them. They are as religious in this 
low estate, after their kind, as are the christians or the 
philosophers in their higher estates. For want of 
greater intellectual powers, veneration sees its God 
through alimentiveness, and has its altar of worship in 
that organ. The view they have of G-od is not the one 
entertained by christians. The christian religion is of 
a higher order; and yet every christian differs in his 
views, as he differs in his mental and moral faculties, 
from all others. No two see alike. It has a complex 
nature. In that complex nature it takes in all the 
religions below itself. It constitutes one grand order, 
the sympathetic. It is half animal and half intellectual, 
the moral forces governing. 

There is something in this religion that is truly 
attractive. It covers a wide scope of thought; it carries 
the animal religion up to a higher plane; it has refined 



148 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

and made it pure in its moral crucible. This religion is 
based upon the love of mankind (not food) as it was in 
its animal capacity ; for it is the same reborn and puri- 
fied. It has now gained knowledge of another life — 
endless — where it will meet father, mother, sisters, and 
brothers; dear and long-lost wives, husbands, children, 
and friends, in a world of unsurpassable beauty. This 
is their strongest hope. By prayer they keep them- 
selves en rapport with this higher world; they become 
psychologized by their friends, and see and feel as they 
do. They are also en rapport with the great universal 
mind, and have a foretaste of the future. Through the 
universal mind they feel the thrilling influence of the 
soul; they are in ecstasies; they have no language to 
express their feelings. This is the christian, the sym- 
pathetic, or highest animal religion. 

But the philosopher's religion commences where the 
christian's ends; or, in fact, it is the three phases 
blended in one religion, commencing in the animal, pass- 
ing through the sympathetic, and ending in the godlike. 
The philosopher's soul is thrilled by quite a different 
order of things. He enjoys himself in everything the 
animal man does, also in those of the christians ; yet 
he transcends them all. He feasts upon matters that 
have never entered their minds. The mighty, the 
grand, the stupendous, the exact, the beautiful in 
nature — these stir his great soul. Like light, his 
thoughts flash through space, from world to world 
they pass. His mighty soul reaches out and grasps 
the external mind; then, through that, the universal, 
eternal, and infinite mind. He watches the workings of 
the Infinite Spirit through the eternal bounds of matter; 



or, statesman's guide. 149 



sees her roll the infinite worlds through space in their 
unerring existence; sees her call forth light from all 
the orbs and the beauties of color arrayed in forms 
infinite in perfection. He sees the gods crowned in 
diadems of light; he meets them on the high planes of 
pure and godlike friendship; they enjoy themselves as 
only gods are capable of enjoyment; they feast each 
other on the mighty experiences of their lives; they 
incessantly drink in the superlative grandeur and beau- 
ties constantly evolved by the universal spirit. 

Does the reader suppose that an ignorant priest or 
demagogue statesman could dictate to those variously 
organized people what would be the best for each indi- 
vidual ? There are none who have the right, neither 
have they the capacity. No one but the Eternal God 
hath this power. He calls forth from each soul the 
tributes due himself, and they are yielded by each soul 
with thanksgiving. I do not mean that God who used 
to eat fine tender calves, cakes, butter, milk, etc.; 
neither do I mean such a one as would advise the 
getting of things by false pretenses, or to assassinate a 
nation's first-born ; neither do I mean such a one as 
must use wings to overcome the laws of gravity, and 
must draw his breath to keep from dying. I do not 
mean one who depends on anything; and far from such 
a one as would wrestle a whole night with a cheat or 
supplanter, or who permitted the devil to torment his 
best friend merely to try his pluck ;* nor the one who 
ordered his peculiar people to kill a whole nation with 
their innocent children. Neither do I mean the one 

• See Book of Job. 



L50 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

who ordered his people to slay all the males, old women, 
and ugly young women of another nation, but to save 
such as were handsome for their own particular gratifi- 
cation. He wonders that the christian world still wor- 
ships such gods. He sighs when he thinks of the past, 
and is compelled to admit that he, too, once worshiped 
them. But they have long since ceased to call forth 
gratitude or the worship of his soul. 

Yet he has not lost his sympathy for the race. He 
can stoop just as much lower than others to save the 
poor and ignorant, as he can rise higher than they. 
He needs no priest to sanctify him, for he is as pure as 
he is wise. He needs no one to give him laws, for he 
is a law unto himself. 

Yet he worships. What? Only that which has the 
power to thrill his soul. Yet what thrills his soul to day 
may not move him to-morrow, for he is ever ascending. 
He sees that the souls of men are constantly emanci- 
pating themselves from the curses of ignorance. They 
are as progressive in their religious as in their political 
ideas. 

Has he hope? No. He does not need to hope, for 
he knows. He sees the light flashing in every direction. 
He breaks forth into song, singing: 

"The gloomy night is breaking, 
Even now the sunbeams rest, 
With a faint yet cheering radiance, 
O'er the hill-tops of the West. 

"The mists are slowly rising 

From the valley and the plain; 
And a spirit is awaking 

That shall never sleep again. 



OR, statesman's guide. 151 

"And ye may hear, that listen, 
The Spirit's stirring song, 
That surges like the ocean, 
With its solemn bliss, along. 

;< Ho! can ye stay the rivers, 

Or bind the wings of light, 
Or bring back to the morniDg 
The old, departed night? 

11 Nor shall ye check its impulse, 
Or stay it for an hour, 
Until earth's groaning millions 
Have felt its healing power. 

"This spirit is Progression, 
In the vigor of its youth — 
The foeman of oppression; 
And its armor is the truth. 

"Old Error, with his legions, 
Must quail beneath its wrath ; 
For blood, nor tears, nor anguish, 
Shall stain its brilliant path. 

"But onward, upward, heavenward, 
Its progress still will soar, 
Till love and truth shall triumph, 
And falsehood reign no more." — [8. w. 



152 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE '; 



CHAPTER VI. 

Secret Springs, or Invisible Forces of Government — Differ- 
ent Modes of Exercising Power — Its Use and Abuse — Its 
Use Directed by Wisdom — Its Abuse the Result of Igno- 
rance and Selfishness and Constituting Tyranny — Requisite 
Qualities for a Successful StatesxMan, Etc. 

Nearly all persons think that that which constitutes 
government is a mutter visible to the eye, and that there 
are many orders of government ; when the fact is. there 
is but one, which is called power, or the controlling of 
power; but there are many modes of exercising this 
power. 

Yet these may be divided into two orders: The use 
and abuse of power. 

The first is the use of means to the highest purposes 
for which the}' are fitted, and embraces all justice, all 
possible good, and is directed by wisdom. 

The second commences with want of knowledge and 
wisdom. It controls the force to ends which are neither 
just nor productive of good. Under such control there 
is much misery. This is called the "abuse of power." 
Its acts are unwise in the extreme. It is directed by 
narrow-minded selfishness, ignorance, and folly, and 
represents tyranny in its various shades, according to 
the degree of "abuse," whether mild or excessive. 

I have described in my previous essays the difference 
between wise and unwise legislation. In this and sue- 



or, statesman's guide. 153 

ceeding chapters I mean to inquire into the Bource of 
this power. 

In the introduction to this work, I stated that all ac- 
tion commenced with the soul, through the mind; that 
the mind for its transparency and the spirit for its 
power depended upon the constitutional perfection of 
the body ; that a soul with a weak, effeminate, and sickly 
body would have a clouded mind; the soul would be 
impotent, and the spirit could not perform its offices 
over the soul. Such a soul could not govern itself, 
much less control others. The soul is a magnet, and its 
power depends upon the amount of magnetism it can 
control ; and this magnetism depends upon the voltaic 
conditions of the soul, body, mind, and spirit. 

If the soul is naturally great, the body ample in all 
respects, and the mind porfectly clear, the spirit can 
call forth all the latent power of the soul. The soul 
then controls both body and spirit. It uses the body 
as a base from which to evolve power; and by means 
of the spirit it is brought en rapport with both the "ex- 
ternal " and "universal minds;" and, as these minds 
are common to all, at least the " universal," therefore 
he who can control the greatest force will control all 
within the scope of his mind. 

This law is universal ; it governs matter as well as 
mind. It is not always the largest magnet that posses- 
ses the greatest power, but the one whose capacity to 
absorb and again to expel the greatest volume of mag- 
netism ; or the one through which the spirit can act the 
most freely 

An inferior magnet is always controlled by a supe- 



154 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE ; 

rior one. This can be noticed in the astronomical sys- 
tems. 

Let us suppose a solar s} T stem in existence in a dead 
state; that is, although the bodies possess form they are 
destitute of magnetism and therefore can not move. 
But the moment an ample amount of magnetism rushes 
into the grand system each orb instantly absorbs its 
natural proportion and finds its proper position in the 
system, which is determined by its magnetic capacities. 
The great sun will occupy the center as governor, while 
the planets, with their satellites, will revolve around 
him, each in its appropriate place. 

But suppose that by some superior force another solar 
system somewhat larger, with greater magnetic power, 
should rush into the same space occupied by the first, 
what would be the result? Why, awful convulsions 
would ensue; such as would astonish the gods them- 
selves. The battle of the gods, or the war in heaven, 
so vividly portrayed by Milton, would bear no compari- 
son with it. 

Worlds would contest with worlds; the two mighty 
suns would rush toward each other with inconceivable 
velocity and irresistible power, each with his retinue; 
the concussion would be astounding, yea, overwhelm- 
ing, for the stronger would rob the weaker of his mag- 
netism and consequent mastery over his planets ; and 
as "the victor, to whom belongs the spoils," accord- 
ing to the rules of war, it would direct this conquered 
sun to wheel into line as one of his planets, while 
each of the planets belonging to each system, after 
its trial of magnetic power with its antagonist, would 
assume its place in the grand consolidated system, 



or, statesman's guide. 155 

and after the terrible conflict, once more as orderly 
orbs revolve around their illustrious and powerful cen- 
tral sun, the new lawgiver and controller of the mag- 
netism of the circle. 

This magnetic force has the same effect upon man, as 
I said in the first part of this work, from the single an- 
gle to the full circle, each controlling just so much as 
its capacity demands. This capacity depends upon two 
conditions: First, the volume which determines the 
amount; second, the form, which directs the force to 
just such ends as the form warrants. 

So every member of society exercises just such an in- 
fluence as the form of his development warrants in re- 
spect to the forms of other members of society. 

As before stated, the one with the greatest number of 
angles developed, controls the greatest amount of power, 
and will rule all the angles beneath him. But the one 
who fills the whole, will control all the power in the 
circle. But as nothing is stationary in this line, new 
persons are continually entering the arena; and those 
who to-day control but one angle, to-morrow will con- 
trol two; and the whole circle of individuals, improv- 
ing in the same ratio, will enlarge the circle. 

The statesman, in the meantime, not keeping pace 
with them, cea9es to fill the circle, loses his control and 
influence, and another, or several others, contest for 
power. If the contest be a fair one, he will be success- 
ful who is master of the greatest amount of power or 
mental magnetism with the best adjusted form; for if 
all the contestants were equal in power, yet one supe- 
rior in form, that one would bo successful; for form 



L56 

determines the use of power — that is, form with supe- 
rior temperaments. 

If this be so, we see why it so often happens that 
generals with superior armies are so often conquered 
and sometimes captured by inferior armies.. I mean in- 
ferior in numbers and armaments. The men are supe- 
rior, both in physical and mental capacity, while the 
generals can control all the force of their armies, them- 
selves being superior in genius as well as controlling a 
greater amount of foree or spirit by which they have a 
more commanding influence and greater magnetic power 
over the men composing their armies. 

And these things, carried into society, a person's 
worth can always be ascertained by the position he 
holds in relation to others; for, as in chemicals, a per- 
son will soon find the proper place, which is determined 
by his relative powers and the high use he can make of 
them. 

At the bar, the attorney who is ingenious in argument 
and eloquent of speech, and possessed of superior mag- 
netic force, will always succeed, until he finds one who 
can demagnetize the jury and re-psychologize them; they 
will then discover the imperfections of the previously 
successful attorney. His deformities only exist and are 
assumed in the mind of the new attorney, who makes the 
jury see as he wishes. It makes no difference how bad 
his case is, he will succeed, for the jury can see nothing 
but what he wishes. He so operates upon their minds 
as to make them see his opponent's arguments in just 
such a light as he may desire. He blackens and dis- 
torts them, while his own are seen in much more favora- 
ble colors than they ought to be. The consequence is, 



or, statesman's guide. 157 

he rules both the court and jury; he decides the case, 
not the jury; they have no opinions, but reflect those 
of the attorney, yet they know it not, but he does. 

This is an abuse of power. But suppose such an at- 
torney to be a pure-minded, virtuous man, this same 
power could be used for the best and highest purposes. 

So the reader will perceive that there are two orders 
of intelligence, one villainously wise, the other virtu- 
ous; and therefore there are two orders of rulers that 
govern man hind. 

I regret to admit that I think nine-tenths of those 
who now rule the world are of the first named class, 
corrupt and villainous. But their numbers are decreas- 
ing. In the ages past the villainously wise have always 
had control. Their government has been justly de- 
nominated the reign of the beast; for they made every- 
thing subserve their animal natures. Of this we will 
again speak more at length, farther on in this work. 

The mode of using power is the same in a republic 
that it is in a monarchy. If the virtuously wise should 
obtain control of a monarchy and rule according to the 
laws of wisdom and justice, the government would be 
the same as if exercised by republicans; that is, if the 
republicans ruled as wisely; but if the republican rule 
were beastly, it would be no better in consequence of 
its superior name. 

The use and abuse of power are the same in a repub- 
lic that they are in a monarchy. And so also the terms 
czar, khan, caliph, shah, sultan, emperor, king, mon- 
arch, and president, signify nearly the same thing — a 
ruler, or one who possesses and exercises power. The 
term king, perhaps, if rightly understood, is the most 



158 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE ; 

appropriate of all the terms to represent a perfect con- 
troller of power. [See " Perfect Man," in a subsequent 
portion of this work.] 

President does not mean a positive controller; neither 
does the term emperor. An empire, and a republic like 
the American, are in form very similar; and the differ- 
ence in the presiding officer is merely this: the one is 
hereditary and the other elective, their powers being 
very similar.* 

But the student of the science of government will 
find that those who are placed at the head of the gov- 
ernment do not always govern the nation, yet some one 
does. And, notwithstanding so much is said against 
the one-man power, there never was a nation that was 
governed at the same time by two men; nor an army 
positively controlled by two generals; one must be 
subordinate to the other, or their efficiency will be de- 
stroyed. There never can be two positives in the same 
circle, if there were there would be war until one or the 
other gained the ascendancy. 

This is one of the causes of civil war. No two can 
govern the same realm at the same time; one directs, 
while the others are subalterns. And here we notice a 
beautiful principle brought into requisition, viz : psy- 
chology. 

For no one could act as a subaltern if his mind were 
not in perfect accord with his principal or chief. 

Now if the chief have power to keep his subalterns 
in office perfectly under his control psychologically, 
arid if he be possessed of sufficient wisdom and ample 

*See Jonathan Diamond's Essays, page 336. 



OR, statesman's guide. 159 

powers, his government will be a success, be he an em- 
peror, sultan, shah, king, or president. 

But as soon as he fails to control this invisible power 
his influence ceases, confusion is visible throughout the 
state or empire, no one will obey, anarchy manifests it- 
self, and matters grow worse and worse, until some one 
with the necessary powers steps forward and fills the 
circle; and, like the Nazarene when he calmed the 
surging seas, says: "Peace, be still," and the political 
elements become quieted. 

I say, that in all countries and in all times this has 
been the secret of successful power ; and as this gift as 
often falls upon the wicked as upon the good, and as the 
wicked are more reckless and forward, caring less for 
others' good than their own, their government will be 
of an animal nature; and the virtuously wise will not 
be able to compete with them for office. 

Thus the world has heretofore seen but little else than 
the abuse of power. 

But in a country like the United States, with a rep- 
resentative government, this should not be; neither 
ought it to be in any other, in this enlightened age. 



160 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 



CHAPTER VII. 

Monarchies and Republics — Their Difference — The Use and 
Abuse of Power the Same in Each — In What the Superi- 
ority of a Republic over a Monarchy Consists — Secret of 
Political Power. 

But if it be conceded that my doctrine is correct, that 
intelligence of a highly moral character, and not brute 
force, shall rule, the question arises, after all, that see- 
ing man is the same in monarchies as republics, and 
that government is the same in both ; that is, it is either 
the use or abuse of power; and that a monarchy, if it 
makes the right use of power, is equally as good as a 
republic; and admitting, also, that republics are liable 
to the abuse of power ; then what advantage have the 
people living under a republican form of government 
over those governed by a monarch? 

The advantage is great, and consists in the very thing 
I am speaking of. That is, a republic calls forth and 
renders prominent those very persons who by nature 
possess this secret or invisible power by which govern- 
ments are moved. 

For example, let the nation elect an entirely new con- 
gress ; the members of each house meet in their respect- 
ive halls for legislative purposes; each member will 
find his appropriate position in that body according to 
his talents; his exact worth will be ascertained before 
the session is half concluded. 



or, statesman's guide. 161 

lie that transcends in wisdom and this secret power 
will take tho lead in the senate, while the man simi- 
larly developed in the house of representatives will 
assume leadership in that body, for intelligence and vir- 
tue must rule. 

The same rule holds good in the different depart- 
ments. In the cabinet, the member of transcending 
ability will rule, in their conferences, the other mem- 
bers, and even the president himself. 

In fact, it is hard at times to know who actually does 
rule the country. But it is always the one possessing 
the greatest amount of this "secret power." And here 
is the great advantage of an elective government. The 
great men throughout the countiy are sent as represent- 
atives to congress. Each district will try to send the 
ablest man the} 7 can; and when all are met together 
their magnetic power commingles and the greatest mag- 
net will control their united magnetisms, and he will 
be their leader. 

And here we note another beautiful feature which 
has been developed : Their leader, great as he was, by 
controlling the magnetisms of the other members, now 
far transcends his own original capacities, the powers 
of the other members having enhanced them ; yet they 
have lost none of their abilities, but have also advanced 
by the same wonderful influence. Let their minds be- 
come ever so enlightened, still their leader will be in 
advance of them. 

Is there not beauty and glory in this? Is this not 
an acquisition devoutly to be desired, an advantage so 
grand and exalted as to be above all price? This is 
the fruit of republicanism. 



1G2 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

Now mark me well. This congress is the govern- 
ment. Their great champion, with his superior mag- 
netic power, makes the highest possible use of their 
united wisdom by the use of their powers. He seems 
to transcend himself in wisdom; his magnetism sur- 
rounds the whole congress; they are psychologized by 
him, and the nation is ps} T chologized by the congress; 
for if the congress could not psychologize the nation, it 
could never rule it, for man can only be ruled by the' 
control of his mind. There never was a people so com- 
pletely psychologized by their goverment as are the 
Americans. 

And the very secret of this is thus explained: They 
elect from each district a representative, and in the 
course of the campaign for election, the constituents 
become perfectly psychologized by their candidate. 
The majority ruling, the one who is elected carries 
their mental magnetism with him to the halls of con- 
gress. This is done b}^ each member, and they still re- 
tain their mental mastery over their constituents ; so 
that the mind of the whole nation is concentrated at the 
capital. And when they meet there, as I said before, 
he who controls the congress is the ruler of the nation. 

It is not always the chief of the nation, according to 
the relative order of office, who rules, but the one pos- 
sessed of the greatest mental power. A people must 
feel the mental presence of a government, or they will 
not obey it.* 

If the reader is well versed in the orders of mind, of 

* See External Mind in "Germ of Thought; or, Ihe Empire 
of the Mind." 



OR, STATESMAN'S GUIDE. l(Jo 

which 1 treated in the introduction of the first part of 
this work, this matter must be very plain. 

This statesman is master of the external mind, and 
this mind embraces the whole nation ; therefore the en- 
tire nation is psychologized by him, through the assist- 
ant powers of their representatives. He having them 
psychologized, and they their constituents, he controls 
everything within the scope of his mind. 

But this is not generally known. It is one of the 
secret and invisible powers of government. 

Should a monarchy choose the best men, after the 
manner of the republic, it would have the same talent 
congregated in its assemblies. But not being the choice 
of the people, they do not carry with them the assist- 
ant magnetism of the nation ; they can not themselves 
rise so high in the sphere of wisdom, consequently such 
a government mus\, occupy a lower plane of intelligence; 
can never have the love of the people and can not so 
easily control them. 

This is pretty generally known throughout Europe 
at the present time. It is one of the good effects this 
government' has had upon the absolute monarchies of 
that continent. They are now nearty all constitutional, 
or are governed by a code mutually agreed upon by 
the nation. Yet the monarchs. to retain their ancient 
power, have recourse to artifice. That is, to counteract 
this invisible power, knowing that man acts from the 
promptings of want, and that his actions will take the 
course by which he can gain satisfaction with the great- 
est ease; therefore, they hire and train men in the mil- 
itary art and pay them greater salaries than they could 
get in any other way. These offices arc assured them 



164 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

so long as they are efficient in their profession and re- 
main loyal to the crown. 

Then they hire the poor for a pittance, yet this is the 
best they can obtain. These poor and naturally servile 
soldiers are placed under the command of their well- 
paid and well-drilled officers, and by this means they 
coerce the rest of the people and maintain their power 
by brute force. This is the reign of the beast and the 
abuse of power. 



or, statesman's guide. 1G5 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Influence of tiie American Government upon the Nations 
of the Earth — Despotism Crumbling before its Invisible 
Power — Interesting Conversation with a Polish Professor. 

But the invisible power of the American government 
is making secret war upon this ancient institution of 
monarchy. 

It is crumbling before its influence. Every day and 
every hour man is becoming more and more emanci- 
pated from the tyranny of the beast. This government, 
as a city set upon a hill, is enlightening the whole race. 
She is among the nations what the exalted statesman 
is in our congress. She psychologizes the whole world. 
She has taken the lead of all the nations. She rises 
higher in the scale of humanity, and brings a higher 
wisdom from the supernal heavens. She is the true 
medium through which Heaven intends to emancipate 
and save the race. Through the course of ages, she 
will rise higher and still higher in the scale of human- 
ity, shedding her light to the remotest parts of the 
earth. 

Well might the bard sing: 

"Columbia! Columbia! to glory ari«e! 
The queen of the world and the child of the skies; 
Thy Genius commands thee, with rapture behold; 
While ages on ages thy splendors unfold. 



16(> KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE ; 

"'Thy reign is the last and the noblest of time, 
Most fruitful thy soil, most inviting thy clime ; 
Let crimes of the East ne'er encrimson thy name; 
Be freedom and science and virtue thy fame. 

"To conquest and slaughter let Europe aspire, 
"Whelm nations in blood and drape cities in fire; 
Thy heroes the rights of mankind shall defend, 
And triumph pursue them, and glory attend. 

"A world is thy realm, for a world be thy laws, 
Enlarged as thy empire, and just as thy cause; 
On freedom's broad basis that empire shall rise, 
Extend with the main, and dissolve with the skies. 

"Fair Science her gates to thy sons shall unbar, 
And the east see thy morn hide the beams of her star; 
New bards and new sages unrivaled shall soar 
To fame unextinguished when time is no more. 

''To the last dear refuge of virtue designed, 
Shall fly from all nations the best of mankind; 
Here, grateful to Heaven, with transport .shall bring 
Their incense more fragrant than odors of spring. 

"Nor less shall thy fair ones to glory ascend, 
And genius and beauty in harmony blend ; 
Their graces of form shall awake pure desire, 
And the charms of the soul still enliven the firo. 

"Their sweetness unmingled, their manners refineJ, 
And virtue's bright image enstamped on the mind. 
With peace and sweet rapture shall teach life to glow, 
And light up a smile in the aspect of woe. 

"Thy fleets to all regions thy power shall display, 
The nations admire and the ocean obey; 
Each shore to thy glory its tribute unfold, . 
And the east and the south yield their spices and gold. 



or, statesman's guide. 167 

"As the dayspring unbounded, thy splendor shall flow, 
And earth's little kingdoms before thee shall bow ; 
While the ensigns of union in triumph unfurled, 
Hush anarchy's sway and give peace to the world. 

"Thus down a lone valley with cedars o'erspread, 
From war's dread confusion I pensively strayed; 
The gloom from the face of fair heaven retired, 
The winds ceased to murmur, the thunders expired*, 

"Perfumes, as of Eden, flowed sweetly along, 
A voice, as of angels, enchantingly sung: 
Columbia ! Columbia ! to glory arise ! 
The queen of the world and the child of the skies." 

This results from the free, untrammeled use of the 
mind, the first fruits of which was to beget a govern- 
ment that would in all respects answer man's true 
wants: a government wherein the people could concen- 
trate their minds, to raise their rulers into the supernal, 
therefrom to draw wisdom which man had heretofore 
never dreamed of. They have, therefore, obtained the 
keys by which they have opened the secret springs to 
the invisible powers that rule all things. 

In proof of the beneficial effects of a good govern- 
ment upon its citizens, I will introduce a conversation 
I once had with a certain Polish professor uj)on the 
subject. lie was from Eussian Poland. 

The influence a government has on the people is so 
great that many have mistaken it as the effect of cli- 
mate, water, and the products of the soil. 

All have noticed the effect it produces on those 
born in America. Let a family emigrate from any part 
of Europe, and those children born in America will 



168 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

have a quite different appearance from those of Euro- 
pean birth. By the third generation, they will be 
thoroughly Americanized in appearance, and their in- 
spirations will be entirely diJferent from their relations 
in the old country. They will become taller and more 
slender; their visage will be sharpened, features more 
perfect, and altogether they will be nobler in appear- 
ance. 

The true Americans, both male and female, are much 
handsomer and more princely than Europeans. 

I had often noticed this with admiration, and was 
proud of America. I thought it the effect of the coun- 
try, its climate, or something peculiar to it. 

But I was wrong. In 1863 I was standing on the 
corner of Broadway and Fourth streets, Cincinnati, with 
the Polish professor before mentioned. We w T ere no- 
ticing a regiment of soldiers marching down Broadway, 
when I called the attention of the professor to the 
difference in appearance of the soldiers of the different 
nationalities. Said I, "How much more trim and noble 
the American looks than the European. This is th<? 
effect of our climate or something else peculiar to this 
country. It improves all the races who come here." 

Said the professor, u You are entirely mistaken. It 
is not your country's climate or anything else naturally 
pertaining thereto which causes this; it is your govern- 
ment and its effect upon the people." 

1 begged the professor for an explanation. 

Said he, "Do you understand physiology, phrenol- 
ogy, physiognomy, and psychology with pre-natal in- 
due nces ?" 

I answered, " 1 have some knowledge of them." 



OR, statesman's guide. 169 

" Well, to begin," said the professor, "the mind con- 
trols all these. The pre-natal conditions affecting the 
parents are entailed upon the offspring. This we 
see in all their peculiarities; in the form of the body ; 
the development of the head and all the conditions 
which affected the parents are reflected from the coun- 
tenances of their children. This, you know: convict a 
man of crime and you see the criminality reflected from 
his countenance. This condition of mind will at last 
force the features into the form which expresses his 
criminality. If these things could become general, the 
race, just so far, would be depraved, and their degrada- 
tion would be reflected from their countenances. 

" Give the European such a government as the 
American, and the Cossack, the Pole, the German, and 
the people of all the down-trodden nationalities would 
arise by its inspiration, shake off their degradation, and 
be as noble in appearance as the Americans. 

"The European is so oppressed that he dare not as- 
sert his true manhood. He sinks down in debasement. 
The true man is suppressed in him ; nothing survives 
but the stronger or animal powers; the tyranny of his 
government is reflected in his countenance. He knows 
little of the true nobility of man. He feels none and 
reflects none. 

"But in America there is nothing that intervenes 
between man and the high heavens. Man stands erect. 
He asserts his full manhood. lie feels himself a noble- 
man and a prince, and he finally displays it in his coun- 
tenance. His whole form corresponds with the inspi- 
rations of his mind ; and your government fosters this, 
while the monarchies of Europe suppress it. This makes 



170 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

the difference. The order or form of every government 
is reflected from the countenances of its citizens." 

I told him this was certainly a high encomium upon 
the American principles of government. 

This being the case, the citizens of all those govern- 
ments are becoming aware of it. They not only ad- 
mire the noble and independent look of the American, 
but his noble generosity and profuse wealth have 
charmed them. They are psychologized by the same 
power the American is. They worship the American 
form of government. So much are they in love with it, 
that it is now the great incentive to revolution in those 
governments. Our government, or its principles, like 
the rock in Daniel's vision, is grinding this ancient 
beastly power to atoms. This is the secret and invisi- 
ble power of our government, which acts upon the na- 
tions as the little leaven hid in many measures of meal 
until the whole lump is leavened. The fact is, the eyes 
of all mankind are turned toward America. Their 
hope is in America, and they will not be disappointed, 
for, like the light of a sun, her influence is felt in the 
remotest parts of the world. With one hand she reaches 
into the heavens, and brings therefrom the choicest 
blessings man has ever enjoyed, and with the other she 
reaches down deep into the abysses of hell, to raise 
those from darkness, despair, and misery who have no 
hope. Yes, to raise them up to a high plane of human- 
ity, where they can work out their own salvation. Yes, 
America, most truly can it be said: 

"Thy reign is the best and the noblest of time !" 

Thou surely art the handmaid of the Most High, the 
right-hand power by which the nations shall be saved. 



OR, STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 171 



CHAPTER IX. 

Government a Preparatory School for Something Higher 
— The Perfect Man — Instructive and Strange Vision — 
Man's Ultimate Destiny — The Conclusion. 

As I have endeavored to give the outlines of what I 
consider the secret springs of invisible power, by which 
individuals as well as nations are governed, I will now 
proceed to give the final results of this power in the 
ultimate of man's destiny, thereby showing the use and 
design of government as a preparatory school for some- 
thing higher. 

1 have so repeatedly spoken of the perfect man, that 
the reader will wonder what I mean by it. Besides, 
there are very few who have any idea of the ultimate 
destiny of man, or of the necessity of government ex- 
ercising a fostering care over him. 

This is the opening scene of his conscious existence. 
It is the preparatory school for something higher and 
grander which must inevitably follow. Without the 
elucidation "of this subject, the reader would scarcely 
understand the true use of the doctrines I have taught 
in the preceding chapters of this work. Although 
this essay was not intended for this work, but to be the 
concluding one in the "Germs of Thought;" or, "Em- 
pire of the Mind," yet being very appropriate, I insert 
it here; and, trusting that the reader will excuse me, J 
will relate the strange circumstances under which J 



172 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

received the following impressions and ideas. The great 
lesson, whether dream or vision, was doubtless the re- 
sult of my much thought upon and study of the nature 
of man. 

For the last thirty years my great study has been 
not only the origin of, but the destiny of man. 

"Whence art thou, O man! and whither bound?" 
was a question which never left me. 

The result of my studies in part, I now give to the 
reader. I truly have found the words of the Master 
correct: " Ask and ye shall receive; seek. and yo shall 
find; knock and it shall be opened unto you." 

I have achieved everything I ever sought to know. 

I was once a thorough atheist, but, thank Heaven, 
there is not a morsel of atheism remaining in me. 

But I will now proceed. By my insatiable thirst for 
a knowledge of man's future, as well as his past, several 
latent powers of my mind became developed, 

First, a species of mental clairvoyance from which 
nothing is hidden. Second, a strange condition, much 
like death, which I will describe. It seemed like a 
fourfold sleep, for I never lost consciousness. I know 
beforehand when these things are about to occur. I 
retire to bed, soon fall asleep, dream, then awaken in 
my sleep. I seem to pass about; notice the scenery 
around me, and then again fall asleep. Again I dream. 
This time the scenes are a little more positive. I seem 
awake once more, then to go to sleep, and again to arouse 
from slumber. Then I fall asleep the fourth time and 
awaken, this time to a consciousness far superior to 
anything any person ever experienced in this life. 

To me this is no dream, but a reality. It is more 



OR, STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 173 

real to all my senses than anything I ever experienced 
in any other way ; and what I see and hear in this 
condition, always is verified afterward to the letter. 
The scenes and events frequently transpire hundreds 
of miles away from where my body lies. 

The reader should understand that, in this fourfold 
sleep, I really do not awake at all, although it seems so 
to me at the time ; but at each successive time I enter a 
still deeper sleep, until the fourth, when I emerge, ap- 
parently, from sleep and am possessed of powers mani- 
fested on no other occasion. When I do finally awake, 
I find my body as cold as death, but in less than five 
minutes it becomes as warm as ever. 

Well, then, under this strange influence, or tempo- 
rary death, I had the following experience : 

I went to bed early and passed through the process 
described. When at last, seemingly awake, I found a 
most pleasing gentleman standing by me. Independ- 
ently of my own volition, by intuition or some other 
power unknown to me, I walked by his side. We 
passed eastwardly for some time, I not knowing where 
we were. All at once I recognized the part of country 
we were in. It was the scene of my childhood, the 
very play-ground of my youth, within two hundred 
yards of the place of my birth. We walk very slow 
for about one hundred yards farther east, then take a 
turn west and retrace our steps for about fifty yards. 
While we were passing the last hundred yards east- 
ward, the scene I am about to describe commenced. I 
saw a boy. He seemed a perfect model. He was ac- 
tive, handsome, in fine health, full of ambition, and his 
aspirations were high, pure, and noble. 



174 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; 

When I saw the boy, the guide paused for a moment. 
I looked upon him with admiration. He also looked 
upon us with a countenance divinely sweet. I felt his 
psychological influence thereby coming en rapport with 
his whole nature, and felt the inspiration of his soul, 
consequently knew how happy he was and why he 
was so. 

The boy disappeared and we pursued our walk for a 
few steps;, when I beheld a young man. He also was 
as perfect as the first, and seemed to be the same per- 
son, with some six or eight years added to his age. 
The guide again stopped and spoke as follows : " This 
young man being noble in nature, with aspirations pure, 
by taking heed to his ways, living uprightly and doing 
righteously, became a gentleman." 

Again I caught the countenance of the young man. 
His inspirations filled my soul, and I felt the senti- 
ments that actuate a gentleman — not those that as- 
sume to be gentlemen and are the basest of men. 

I also comprehended why men assume to be gentle- 
men, for the same reason that the best of banks have 
the most counterfeit notes or imitations made on them 
by unscrupulous men, real gentlemen being but few. 
We again pass a few steps and I behold a man some 
twenty-five years of age, but apparently the same per- 
son previously seen; the difference being in the age 
and additional beauty and glory of his countenance, 
consequent upon his development, physically, morally, 
and mentally. 

We stop again and the guide says: "Being noble in 
disposition, with aspirations high and intellect bright; 
having an insatiable thirst after knowledge; being pa- 



or, statesman's guide. 175 

ticnt and persevering; by taking heed to his ways; be- 
ing temperate in his habits ; living righteously and 
doing justly, he became a philosopher." 

I again caught a glimpse of his countenance. It rad- 
iated like a sun. I felt his sentiments. My mind 
seemed to expand and penetrate all creation. O ! how 
glorious it was to be able to converse with nature; to 
drink in continually new truths, and to rise to the 
beautifully sublime. Things previously mysterious be- 
come plain and natural. 

How truly it has been said, " that a philosopher is a 
lover of wisdom, and a lover of wisdom is a lover of 
God. 

We proceed, and again behold a man, thirty years 
of age. ! how noble, how grand, how beautiful, how 
kind he looks. He turns his eye upon us. I feel all 
the great qualities of his nature which constitute a 
nobleman. 

The guide then says of this man : " Having received 
from nature a perfect constitution, and being desirous 
of keeping her laws; being diligent, taking heed to his 
ways, being temperate in his habits, having attained 
knowledge, living righteously and doing justly, he bo- 
came a nobleman." 

Again we move; this time we turn to the west. But 
suddenly the guide diverges to the northeast, leaving 
about ten paces betwen us. We again see the man, 
this time, in appearance, about forty-five years of age. 

But, O! what a change. He not only seems more 
beautiful, but in all respects he has improved. He is 
now a model man. He holds a scepter in his hand. 
He is a ruler, a prince. 



176 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE; . 

The guide, again, with ani mation, speaks : "Seestthou 
this great man? See! behold, and ponder well what 
thou seest! Let it not pass from thy mind !" 

I again beheld the countenance of the man, and was 
almost awe-stricken. How sacred, yet how calm and 
self-possessed. I saw blended in him all I had seen in 
the youth, the gentleman, the philosopher and noble- 
man ; and yet I saw much more, for he was the same 
person I had seen in each case. He looked a very god 
in human form. I gazed upon him with admiration 
and with awe. At the same time I heard the voice of 
the guide again exclaim : "Having received from na- 
ture a perfect constitution, and being desirous of keep- 
ing her laws, he was temperate ; and being diligent, 
taking heed to his ways, living righteously and doing 
justly, he first became a gentleman, then a philosopher, 
and being a gentleman and a philosopher, he became 
noble, or pure in his nature, and being possessed of all 
these, he now has attained the rank and is a king. And 
higher than this no man will ever attain.''' 

The guide instantly disappeared, and I soon awoke 
or returned to my ordinary state. 

I have wondered much about what I saw, for reasons 
which I will now state. 

First, was this a dream, or was it not? Second, if 
not a dream, what was its import or meaning, if mean- 
ing it had? In either case it makes very little differ- 
ence whether it were or were not a dream. 

I had been reading, during the day, different essays 
upon the changeable nature of man both in form and 
mind. 

Those essays commenced with the idea that man orig- 



OR, statesman's guide. 177 

inally was not only a beast but a reptile, commencing 
at the lowest order of animated nature, and develop- 
ing up through each successive species until he arrived 
at and took the form of man. This implies that all 
animals are men and women in a transitional state of 
being, and that the negro will finally become a Cauca- 
sian, white as snow, and the Caucasian will also eter- 
nally change both in form and feature, in mind and 
essence, and yet claim the immortality of the soul, 
which would be impossible. 

This is called the Huxlian or Darwinian system. I 
was also thinking of what I saw in a strange dream I 
had in 1861, in regard to the queen of the palace, 
wherein I saw the whole history of man from his in- 
fancy to perfection 

_ Now, if what I saw be true, and I know it is, then the 
Darwinian system is false, for man never changes his 
form, nor loses an iota of himself. He is always the 
same, but like the rose in the bud, only expands until 
it equals its surroundings; we then see it in its infinite 
beauty and perfection, yet it was a rose all the time 
and perfect in every essential, but its perfection was 
invisible to us. So, too, the man ; his perfections slum- 
ber within him. 

The gentleman, philosopher, nobleman, and even the 
mighty king, or godman, the prince and ruler, all sleep 
within his nature. 

The man I saw was the same all the time, only by 
his unrest and exertion he brought out those sleeping 
qualities. As the rose, becoming still more beautiful 
in appearance, and sending the divine aroma of his na- 
ture around him, so that all who come within its circle 



178 

are affected by it, and experience his sensations and 
know his thoughts. 

Moreover, I saw that it was by keeping the law that 
he obtained this greatness. The means are always at 
hand by which we may attain a higher degree of devel- 
opment, if we only have the knowledge and wisdom 
necessary to deserve them. And my guide repeatedly 
named those virtues by which the man we saw obtained 
perfection ; and the goddess of humanity says :* " These 
tilings can always be accomplished by the true husband 
finding the true wife, as the queen of the palace, the 
one who can entirely control his affections, for a union 
with any other is concubinage, and concupiscence is not 
congenial with greatness. 

" But the offspring of the harmonious husband and 
wife are those who easily obtain these conditions. 

" They are conceived, born and brought forth in love, 
consequently in harmony with all nature. Their task 
seems easy. By receiving or inheriting from their 
parents a perfect constitution, as long as they keep the 
law, they are masters of the situation and grow up 
models of beauty and perfection. They grow up nat- 
ural gentlemen, and very easily become philosophers, 
and out of these two conditions naturally grows nobility 
of character. 

Then we see the mighty stride that is made from and 
by the assistance of these acquirements. From the 
lowest stature of humanity man reaches the summit 
or crowning point of human excellence, viz: to be a 
ruler or king. 

*See gueen of the Palace, third volume of "The Origin and 
Destiny of Man." 



or, statesman's OUIDB. 179 

But the reader will ask, what means all this? What 
is the difference between a king and a philosopher ? 
Are not those men kings who are crowned rulers of 
nations? 

No, not any more than a counterfeit bill is a genuine 
one ; for they are violators of law themselves. They 
are tyrants, political fools; "and when a fool reigneth, 
the people mourn." Their dominion is over other men ; 
while a true king's dominion is over himself, or the em- 
pire of his miud. 

In nature there is no other kingdom for man. So if 
he is a fool, his whole empire mourns his folly; and if 
he can not govern himself, how shall he govern others, 
or a nation ? 

But what is a king? Answer, all men are undevel- 
oped kings. In the lool the king sleepeth, and his em- 
pire is an undeveloped waste; or the internal world is 
an exact counterpart of, or has photographed upon it, 
in every miniature, the external; so that, as fast as we 
learn one, we know the other, all things being by nature 
in harmony. Evil is the effect of undeveloped volition. 

The involuntary never errs. Not understanding the 
laws of our own nature, nor those of the external 
world, neither the relationship between the two, we 
are subject to those laws. They continue to govern and 
instruct us, until we learn to know our relationship to 
them. 

Just so far as we conform to them, we become eman- 
cipated from, and cease to be subjects to the law or 
slaves to ourselves. 

We then seem to enter into an alliance with those 
laws, andfrom henceforth govern in place of being gov- 



180 

erned. In faet, the voluntary and involuntary within 
our natures are in perfect harmony. In the beginning, 
the involuntary part is the teacher and the voluntary 
is the pupil or subject. 

So we see man passes through the different stages of 
emancipation from ignorance. Each degree gives him 
a corresponding increase of power, whereby he masters 
the yet unconquered departments of his empire, until 
finally he has achieved its perfect conquest and eman- 
cipated it from the slavery of ignorance. 

Then he has learned the eternal fitness of things; 
the voluntary and involuntary are one in action. He 
has attained the climax of his nature. He stands upon 
the top round of the ladder; stands above all things 
but himself. He understands all laws, and they are 
subservient to the superlative in his nature. 

Hence, being profoundly, almost boundlessly wise, 
he wills or commands, and all things beneath him obey. 
This is a ruler, and he is truly a king. And such " are 
kings and priests before the Lord." 

My reflections are, that man never changes, either in 
form or essence; for the man 1 saw was entirely the 
same in form when he attained perfection as when he 
was eighteen, the only difference being in conditions 
by which he emancipated himself and developed his 
latent powers, until he awoke the god-power of his 
nature, and thus became a king or ruler. 

But there is another reflection, viz : if all men are 
the same in their attributes before inception, as taught 
in the " Origin and Destiny of Man," whence the 
mighty difference between the most of them and the 



OR, STATESMAN S GUIDE. 



181 



man of whom we wore speaking? That is the very 
thing I have been treating of in these essays, that man 
was affected, for good or evil, just in proportion as his 
surroundings partook of the nature which would bring 
them forth. 

Although all souls in their attributes are alike, yet 
they are dependent upon the physical bodies for their 
powers of manifestation, and the- physical body is en- 
tirely dependent upon its surroundings. If they have 
been, and still are of the best order, those possessing 
such advantages will attain the ultimate of their des- 
tiny with the least difficulty, they having fewer hells 
to pass through. But the degraded will also finally 
reach the same destiny, although they wade through 
hells for ages ; for man ceases not to exist, and this life 
is merely preparatory to another. 

Let the statesman reflect well over the effect of his 
conduct as a ruler, for the fruits of his doing will again 
meet him in the shape of such great beings as I have 
just described. If his legislation has produced the cir- 
cumstances which bring forth such results, then he will 
meet them and they will bless him, for he will himself 
be one of them. 

But if he be one of those whose rule was an abuse 
of power, perverting it to merely satiating the animal 
man, oppressing the poor, giving them the worst of con- 
ditions to live under, and in place of elevating, he has de- 
graded them ; then, I say, he also will meet them again. 

They will curse and not bless him. They will wade 
through the hells together, but his hells will be the hot- 
test, for he is the meanest and vilest of them all. 

Now, as th is essay is a part of my history of the 



182 KEY TO POLITICAL SCIENCE ; 

" Origin and Destiny of Man," I have given the destiny 
of the individual man ; and, as the nations are com- 
posed of individuals, the destiny of one must be the 
final desliny of all, for all men are essentialty alike, and 
the laws of nature are universal. 

In this work I have tried to give the destiny of na- 
tions — that is, man in his social capacities. I have en- 
deavored to point out the cause of the evils which affect 
him socially and separately. I have also pointed to 
their remedy ; how successfully, can only be known 
when my theories have been applied practically. 

Yet, I think, if the doctrines advocated in this work 
were strictly applied, the race in a few generations 
would be as pure as if Eve had never been beguiled, or 
the devil in the shape of a military chief, political 
demagogue, land-pirate and priest, of O! tell me not 
what ! who has not yet emerged from the depths of his 
own nature's darkness, had never cursed the earth. 
Yes, I repeat, if the principles laid down in this work 
were practically applied, man would be as pure and 
happy as if those monsters had never existed. 

As I said, at the close of the first volume, I may, at 
some future time, should life be spared, revise and en- 
large this work. And now, dear reader, trusting that 
I have scattered a few grains of truth, and sincerely 
hoping that they may have a salutary effect upon all who 
have honored this work by a perusal, I bid you a kind 
adieu, and leave these written thoughts for your con- 
sideration, believing that mature reflection will con- 
vince every one that, in the main, if not in detail, the 
teachings of this book are in accordance with nature, 
and, therefore, just, and true, and good.* 

* See note E Appendix. 



APPENDIX 



FREE TRADE V. PROTECTIVE TARIFFS. 

As "Protection" and "Free Trade" are prominent 
subjects of discussion at the present time, and many 
plausible arguments can be adduced in favor of each, 
yet, believing Free Trade to be in accordance with the 
principles of nature, I will present in this addendum 
the subject of tariffs, not for the purpose of giving 
their history, but merely to try them by the rules of 
ethics, to ascertain how far they agree with the moral 
law, and whether they are just or unjust. 

Furthermore, it is desirable to see if they will square 
with the science of "Political Economy." Political 
economy rightly understood is the law of wisdom ; or, 
in other words, it is the application of means to ends, 
according to the law of the eternal fitness of things. 

This is the great law of right, and thus political 
economy and ethics blend in one and form a new science 
or principle, termed justice. A knowledge of this is 
called statesmanship, and in order to maintain justice 
courts are established thoughout the world ; and these 
sciences are the criteria by which these courts are 



184 APPENDIX. 



governed. The governments of the world are more 
particularly concerned with the science of political 
economy; the courts subsequently to decide whether or 
not their acts are consistent with the laws of ethics. If 
found incompatible with the eternal law of justice, to be 
declared null and void, the decision of the court to be 
final. 

To follow strictly in this path* is the object of all wise 
governments, as well as individuals ; for no power has 
been able to avoid the evil consequences of the violation 
of those laws. For this reason I have not attempted 
in the preceding work to sketch these sciences in detail, 
but to blend them in a new science; for the reader can 
study these sciences at his leisure, and judge of this 
work in the light of such knowledge. 

In what follows I will attempt to compare notes with 
the principles heretofore elaborated. 

APOLOGETIC. 

My apology for introducing these remarks is, that 
after I had written the first part of this work, some of 
my friends, who had listened to the reading of certain 
portions of the manuscripts, requested me when writing 
the Second Part, if I found anything in nature justify- 
ing protective tariffs, to present it, either in the body 
of the work, or in a supplementary form at the end. In 
deference, therefore, to their wishes, and also for the 
purpose of presenting both sides of this much-mooted 
question, I append the following reflections: 



APPENDIX. 185 



NATURE AVERSE TO PROTECTION. 

I have read all the essays in favor of protection that 
I could obtain, but have found none that convinced me of 
the justice, or even rational policy of such tariffs. In 
my opinion nature condemns them in toto. The ques- 
tion is not often fairly stated, or thoroughly analyzed. 

There is much sophistry used upon both sides; 
whether designedly or not, I will not pretend to say. 
In order to bring the subject fairly before the reader, I 
will here introduce a very able essay in favor of the 
protective policy, copied from one of our city papers, 
and written over the nom de plume of " Scrutator." 

My reason for inserting it is, that I may analyze 
and show its futility. 

PROTECTION V. FREE TRADE. 

The Relations of the Tariff to Labor and Wages. 

The Free Trade fraternity are laboring to gain in- 
fluence among that large class of the American popula- 
tion whose returns for their services are received in the 
form of wages or salaries. The theory which they 
venture to advance is, that free trade will cheapen com- 
modities, and thus increase the purchasing power of 
their earnings. Suppose, then, for the sake of argu- 
ment, that the duties were removed from foreign im- 
portation-, or made merely nominal, and that the sup- 
plies of goods from British, French, and German work- 
shops should be doubled, or rather quadrupled, as they 
would be, what would be the first effect of the new 
policy? Simply and certainly, in the same ratio, to 
reduce the home-manufactured supply, and diminish 



186 APPENDIX. 



the demand for labor. A large percentage of those now 
employed would be discharged, and the wages of those 
who might be fortunate enough to be retained would be 
reduced, for the price of labor, like that of everything 
else, is regulated by the supply and demand. With 
labor so cheap as it now is in Europe, with the facili- 
ties of transportation between the eastern and western 
hemispheres largely increased, and the cost reduced by 
the introduction of steam navigation, England and the 
continental powers of Europe would vie with each 
other in crowding their surplus goods upon our shores. 
With all our improved machinery, superior mechanical 
skill, and indomitable energy, our industries would be 
swamped under a perpetual avalanche of the cheap and 
inferior products of half-paid labor from the looms, 
forges, and workshops of rival European manufacturing 
districts. 

Under this inevitable condition of affairs, the only 
alternative would be either to turn our workingmen 
out of the factories, foundries, and workshops, and close 
their doors, or employ them at wages on a level with 
those paid in Europe. There can be no other choice. 
Closing those great branches of industry means little 
less than starvation. A portion of the unemployed 
might obtain employment in the agricultural districts, 
but any considerable addition to the farming population 
would create another disarrangement, reduce the price 
of labor and of products, and render that industry also 
unprofitable. 

To reduce wages to the European standard would 
cause universal distress. American artisans, mechanics, 
and laborers could not come down to the dead level of 



APPENDIX. 187 

the working classes of Europe, and exchange their 
bountifully-supplied tables for the coarse half fare of 
those of their class *be} 7 ond the sea; and, thank God, 
while the tariff is sustained they will not be required 
to do so. Mr. Wells does not like our tariff, and in 18G9 
he prepared and submitted to Congress for their accept- 
ance a tariff framed to his own liking. It was rejected. 
In it, among a long list of other staple articles, the duty 
on iron was reduced so low as effectually to shut up, if 
adopted, nearly all the iron industries in the United 
States. 

In another of his reports (18G8) Mr. Wells gives a 
scries of interesting tables, showing the prices paid for 
labor in the United States and in Europe. Among 
these, iron manufactories are included. He quotes the 
weekly wages paid for puddling, "as an indication of 
the entire average wages in this branch of industry in 
the different countries," which is as follows : 

In the United States (gold) $16 54 

In England 8 75 

In France 8 00 

In Belgium 6 00 

Mark the contrast between the amounts paid in the 
United States and in Europe ; and allow me to state 
that in the United States puddlers are frequently paid 
by the job, or on piece-work, and earn i'ronx $7 to Sll 
per day. 

It is well known that the human system requires the 
best of food, and plenty of it, to supply the daily wear 
and waste, under the severe muscular labor inseparable 
from the work in iron foundries. Of these essentials 
the table of the American mechanic never lacks an 



188 APPENDIX. 



abundance. It is conceded by statisticians that there 
is more and better food . consumed, per capita, in 
the United States than in any other country. The 
cases where the supply is not equal to the claims of 
nature are rare indeed. Now how fares the European 
workman ? His weekly earnings in iron work are six 
to eight dollars. In other branches much less. Mr. 
Wells gives the average weekly expenses of a working- 
man's family in Belgium, where provisions are at the 
minimum price. Ho selects a family of two adults and 
three children. In the enumeration of the items in the 
scanty bill of fare there are neither meat nor fish, fresh 
or salt, of any kind; no eggs nor cheese ; no fruits, 
fresh or dried; and no oil or other means of light. The 
cost for the family of five is $4,55, which, deducted 
from the week's wages, leaves $1.45 with which to pay 
house rent and purchase clothing. There is nothing 
left to pay for schools and school books, doctors' bills 
and medicine, furniture, an evening newspaper, a ticket 
to a concert, or a pew in the church. 

Are our twenty millions of working people prepared 
to adopt the free trade policy, and exchange their con- 
dition for that of the working classes of Europe? If 
not, be careful in the selection of the men to whom you 
confide your interests in Congress. Under no condi- 
tions can free trade be made compatible with the true 
interests of the Republic, in its present and prospective 
state and relations; and the introduction would be 
more than terribly disastrous to the interests and pros- 
pects of the working classes, and those whose incomes 
are in the form of fixed salaries. 

If the reader requires further proof, or a more de- 



APPENDIX. 189 



tailed statement of the contrast between the wages paid 
in the United States and in England, the facts are fur- 
nished in the elaborate tables prepared by Dr. Young, 
chief of the Statistical Bureau at Washington. In 1867, 
that gentleman, with tbe co-operation of reliable par- 
ties on both sides of the Atlantic, completed a very full 
report of the wages paid there and here, of which the 
following is a recapitulation. The first column of 
figures gives the increase of wages in the United States 
in 1867 over 1860-61 ; the second column represents 
the excess of wages paid in the United States in 1867 
over those paid in England in the same year. No later 
comparison has been made, but the tables of 1867 are 
sufficient for all practical purposes: 



Increase in 1807 
Industries. over 18 0-61. 

Cotton mill* 56 per cent. 

Woolen mills 60 " 

Worsted mills 79 " 

Sugar refineries 59 " 

Iron rolling mills 76 " 

Steel works " 

Iron foundries and machine shops... 60 " 

Hardware manufactories 50 " 

Edge tool manufactories .44 " 

Agricultural implements 68 " 

Saw manufactories 65 

Gasworks 70 « 

Leather manufactories 71 " 

Glass works 63 « 

Flint-glass works 71 " 

II at manufactories 50 " 

Paper mills 84 " 

Ship builders 61 " 

Iron-ship builders 56 " 

General average, omiting fractions. .63 per cent. 



Excess in the 


U. 


S. ov^r 


K 


ugiaod. 


35 


per cent. 


24 


u 


58 


u 


65 


K 


48 


(( 


62 


(( 


57 


u 


40 


(( 


50 


<c 


52 


il 


62 


u 


48 


u 


45 


a 


80 


u 


93 


u 


62 


u 


47 


(( 


54 


per cent. 



100 APPENDIX. 



These figures are all on a gold basis. Wages in the 
United States have not been reduced materially, if at 
all, since these tables were prepared, in 1867, but the 
premium on gold has fallen from 41 to 11 per cent., 
making the difference in favor of the American work- 
man just that much more than the above figures indi- 
cate. In fact, very good authorities have stated that 
to day the difference through the entire line of indus- 
tries is fully 100 per cent. Mr. "Wells' own figures 
indicate this in the iron manufactories, and he has per- 
sonally inspected these works, both, here and in Europe. 
It is safe to say that if the mechanical, agricultural, and 
mining industries are all included, there is abundant 
evidence to sustain the statement that the difference 
in wages is largely over one hundred percent. Statis- 
tics show that "the average price paid to the whole of 
the ten thousand workmen in the great iron establish- 
ments at Le Oreuzot, in France, is 3.45 francs (sixty- 
five cents) per day." In all the iron districts in France 
"it requires the utmost economy on the part of the 
laboring man," says an excellent authority, "and the 
united labor of his wife and children, to keep his family 
in existence, and it is the accepted rule and practice to 
have meat but once a week." In the woolen manufac- 
ture in France, as shown by statistical writers of that 
country, the ordinary yearly wages — reduced, for con- 
venience, to American currency — are: For men, $150; 
women, $105; young men and girls, $75; children, $15. 
Out of these scanty earnings are paid yearly: For 
house, $25; for food, average for each adult, $70; and 
this serves only to sustain mere existence. Other abso- 
lute expenses, $32. Meat is, with them, a luxury, 



APPENDIX. 191 



indulged in only on Sunday, if at all. Fish is the only 
other animal food of the family. There is no margin 
for amusements, schools, or savings. It is hard that hu- 
man brain and muscle should be reduced to a condition 
that the rewards of their labor are insufficient to sup- 
port mere animal existence, and lift their families above 
the lowest condition of ignorance and consequent 
degradation and vice. 

To arrive at a correct view of the contrast in the 
condition of the operatives in Europe and in the United 
States, it is necessary only to ascertain the relative cost 
of living in the two countries. And, first, it can be 
stated without fear of contradiction that food — which 
averages seventy-five per cent, of the family expenses — 
is cheaper in the United States than in any other country 
in the world. After feeding our own forty million of peo- 
ple, there is a large surplus which goes to England, but 
which, with transportation, insurance, commissions, and 
profits added, can be put upon the Englishman's table 
only at a very material advance in the cost. Our ex- 
ports to Great Britain last year, of edibles alone, 
amounted to over seventy millions of dollars. Among 
the items may be enumerated over twenty-seven and 
a half million bushels of wheat, and more than a mill- 
ion barrels of flour, besides corn, corn meal, and other 
breadstuffs. Cm the wheaten loaf — the staff of life — 
be cheaper in England than in the United States? The 
value of the breadstuffs sent over amounted to nearly fifty 
million dollars. Then there was beef, pork, bacon and 
hams, and lard sent over to the amount of nine million 
dollars ; butter and cheese, nearly eight million dollars ; 
together with potatoes, fruits, and canned ediblea. 



192 APPENDIX. 



These embrace the leading articles of subsistence. 
They can not be placed upon the workingman's table 
so cheaply in England as in America. Yet free traders 
tell the working classes here that the half-pay of op- 
eratives in England has a greater purchasing power 
there than the wages paid in America have here. This 
may do to tell to the marines, but not to the intelligent 
artisans and workingmen and women of the United 
States. It is conceded that the American mechanic 
spends more in famishing his table than the English 
workman, bat it is simply because his table is more 
bountifully supplied. "Protection," says a correct ob- 
server, " means warmth, light, and a full oven ; free 
trade means poverty shivering around an empty grate." 

It is admitted that goods for clothing are, in many 
cases, cheaper in England than in the United States, 
but after the cost of the scanty table is supplied, there 
is little left with which to provide a covering, even of 
the cheapest material, for the body ; and the consump- 
tion of these goods is growing less every year, while 
the population is slowly increasing in numbers. Cot- 
ton goods being the cheapest, these enter largely into 
what constitutes their wearing apparel. Yet the home 
consumption is decreasing. Sir E I ward Sullivan. Bar- 
onet, and Deputy Lieutenant of the county of Lancas- 
ter, England, in his work entitled "Protection to Na- 
tive IniiHtry," says: "Honis consumption has fallen 
away in the matter of cotton goods alone thirty per 
cunt, in three 3'ears. The value of home consumption 
goods for 18ob' was nearly thirteen millions; far I808 
nearly seven millions." 

Open the ports of the United States to free trade, 



APPENDIX. 193 



and the diminished home consumption of supplies will 
be transferred from the other to this side of the Atlantic, 
and our intelligent workingmen and women will sink, 
not suddenly but gradually, to a level with those of 
Europe. Free traders know this just as well as pro- 
tectionists; but they are shrewd enough to ignore the 
fact, for they are not working in the interests of our in- 
dustries, but for the benefit of manufacturers in England 
and foreign importers in New York, by whom they are 
lavishly supplied with funds to circulate their sophisms 
and misrepresentations of the facts essential to a correct 
understanding of the tariff question. 

The twenty millions of working people in the United 
States are not ignorant of the fact that the purchasing 
power of their incomes is at least one hundred per cent, 
greater than that of the incomes of the industrious 
classes in Europe. Nor are they insensible to the truth 
that this superiority is mainly due to the fostering in- 
fluences of the protective policy. It is this that secures 
to them an excess in their incomes over necessary ex- 
penditures. And it is this surplus that transforms the 
workingman of today into the capitalist of to-morrow. 
It lifts the crushing load of despair, under which his 
peer in Europe is forever kept down, from the mind of 
the industrious and prudent workingman in the United 
States; raises his wife above the sphere of a daily 
drudge ; sends his children, neatly clad, to school ; pays 
for his pew in the church of his choice; buys his lot 
and builds his cottage; accumulates his deposits in the 
savings bank; sets him up in business, when he takes 
his position among the builders or manufacturers in 
the community, and aids in the building up of the vil- 



194 APPENDIX. 



lage, town, or city, adding to the .value of every acre 
of real estate in bis neighborhood. He then throws bis 
energies and his capital into new railway or other im- 
portant projects, inviting and giving employment to in- 
creasing population, and stimulating general enterprise 
throughout the State. But a few years ago that man 
lived upon his weekly earnings, his savings alone from 
which, judiciously invested, have raised him from his 
former to his present position. There is not a reader 
who may not point to thousands of such cases, probably 
including himself. Take three illustrations, one each 
from the Great West, the Keystone State, and the old 
New England States. 

" The growth of woolen factories in the Northwest," 
says an observing writer in "Wisconsin, " in the past ten 
years has been unprecedented. Wisconsin had fifteen 
in 1860, and about seventy in 1870, while in this group 
of Western States there are now no less than six hun- 
dred. These factories are owned largely by men of limited 
means, who have worked their way from the position of 
common laborers.' 1 

In Pittsburg, Penn., there are 696 boiling and heating 
furnaces; 497 nail, tack and spike machines, and 13 
railway spike machines; 69 steam hammers, some of 
them weighing 16,000 pounds; 195 engines, a score of 
rolling mills, 7 pig iron furnaces, 48 foundries ; a dozen 
immense steel works, each producing annually from 
$500,000 to $1,500,000 worth of steel; 3 locomotive 
works, a number of rail factories, employing 400 men ; 
about 75 glass works, producing glass goods annually 
to the value of $7,000,000 ; 8 white lead factories ; sheet 
and bolt copper works; 58 petroleum refineries; cotton 



APPENDIX. 195 



mills employing 1,500 persons; woolen mills, and other 
industries. The entire product of Pittsburg amounts 
to just about 8100,000,000 annually, four-fifths of which 
goes west, Ohio being the largest purchasing state. 
James Parton, after a personal inspection of these indus- 
tries, prepared an article on the subject for the Atlantic 
Monthly, in which he stated that nearly all of the pro- 
prietors of to-day were the workingmen a few years 
ago, many of whom are Scotch -Irish naturalized citizens. 

Connecticut, Ehode Island, and Massachusetts are 
hives of manufacturing industries, their annual pro- 
ducts approaching $100,000,000. It is stated by close 
observers and statistical writers in those states that 
seventy -five per cent, of the present owners of those 
manufactories started a few 3-ears ago as practical me- 
chanics at weekly wages. They are not only now at the 
head of the establishments, but are the owners of over 
fifty per cent, of the capital invested in all those indus- 
tries. 

Such are the effects of a judiciously arranged pro- 
tective tariff upon the interests of the salaried and 
working classes of the United States. 

Scrutator. 

This writer, after enumerating many of the effects of 
free trade, if once inaugurated, says : 

"England and the continental powers of Europe 
would vie with each other in crowding their surplus 
goods upon our shores. With all our improved machin- 
ery, superior mechanical skill, and indomitable energy, 
our industries would be swamped under a perpetual 
avalanche of the cheap and inferior products of the 



196 APPENDIX. 



half-paid labor from the looms, forges, and workshops 
of rival European manufacturing districts." 

This is not all exactly so. Does he think Amer- 
icans care nothing for quality? Are they so ignorant 
that they will buy an inferior article in preference to a 
superior one? This is placing a low estimate on the 
taste and intelligence of the Americans. But the facts 
do not warant this. The American manufacturers, on 
account of their superior skill in the manufactory of 
cutlery, implements, and various other wares, are now 
competing with the English in their own markets to 
such an extent that the English manufacturers are be- 
coming alarmed, and propose an entire revolution in 
their machinery in order to successfully compete with 
the American manufacturers. This does not look much 
like swamping our manufactories. 

And again he says: 

" Under this inevitable condition of affairs, the only 
alternative would be either to turn our workingmen out 
of the factories, foundries, and workshops, and close 
their doors, or employ them at wages on a level with 
those paid in Europe." 

This is enough to make any man laugh who has any 
knowledge of statesmanship. Will not water find its 
level if unobstructed, and nature her equilibrium in 
spite of all opposition? Will not man seek his self- 
good, and also find it, if possible? Or has he so 
changed that he prefers evil to good? Most certainly. 
So long as he prefers happiness to misery, he will fol- 
low the line that leads thereto. If this be so, will not 
wages find their equilibrium in spite of all protective 






APPENDIX. 197 



tariffs? If so, they work no final benefit, but much 
injury. 

WAGES GOVERNED BY THE DEMAND FOR LABOR. 

So long as labor will follow capital and there is no 
law against immigration, European and American wages 
can not long differ. This any man can know who 
will pass through the American workshops, and ob- 
serve the men who work in them ; for high prices 
during the last eight years have brought to this country 
hundreds of thousands of the poor of Europe to com- 
pete with us in our own workshops, and wages are 
sinking fast to a level with those of Europe in spite of 
protective tariffs. Our capitalists hire them as low as 
they can, and the European can work much cheaper 
than the American, having learned to live cheap in 
Europe, while our men have been pampered and reared 
up in luxury, and therefore are unable to compete with 
those hardy men. 

The consequence is they are turned out to starve by 
competition with pauper labor from Europe employed 
in our own shops, and these things have not yet at- 
tained their worst condition. 

Every addition to our tariffs is an additional pressure 
on a certain class of the poor of Europe, who instinct- 
ively turn to America, and if too poor to pay their fare 
to this country, there are plenty of American capital- 
ists who will ship them by the thousands to work in 
their shops at somewhat better wages than they got in 
their own country, but much less than the Americans 
demand. The Americans are then told that they must 
work for the same wages, or not work at all. This is 



198 APPENDIX. 



the effect of protective tariffs ; and, gentlemen, mechan- 
ics will be forced to forego their heavily laden, luxuri- 
ously furnished tables, with all their comforts, and live 
as all others do of their class in all parts of the world. 
This will be the death of mechanical aristocracy in 
America. 

The European has the advantage in this respect over 
the American, just as well-drilled and hardened soldiers 
have over raw recruits. Our protective tariff policy 
has been forcing them into practical economy, by 
which they have learned to live on less than half the 
wages the Americans receive. Their powers of endur- 
ance are equal to the best of soldiers, for life with them 
has been a battle from their infancy. And now, by the- 
effect of the last high tariff, their condition has become 
intolerable. They are told that in America they would 
receive double the wages for the same sort of labor and 
the same amount of work; and like all other men 
they follow the promptings of their nature, and seek 
their own self good in that line in which reason tells 
them it can the most easily be attained. For of two 
evils they will choose the less, and of two goods the 
better one. The foreigner is not only told that in 
America he will receive twice as much wages, but that 
the expense of living will be at least one-third less. 
This produces such a gravitation toward America as 
can not be resisted. And the higher the tariff, the 
higher the wages will be in America than in Europe 
for the same class of work, and the greater the motives 
for emigration, until the Americans will cry enough, 
for workshops will be overstocked, and every other 
branch of labor, until American prices will be as low 



APPENDIX. . 199 



as they are in Europe, and wages, like water, will find 
their level or equilibrium. 

Our high prices have attracted even the heathen Chi- 
nese, and they are pouring into the West like, a flood. 
These things will continue until wages in Europe and 
America are equal. 

If this author had paid strict attention, he might 
have received lessons from nature which would have 
taught him better. For instance, we will suppose two 
mighty lakes, lying side by side, separated only by 
locks or flood-gates, their circumference and depths 
being equal, and by nature on a level with each other. 
Suppose, then, that by artificial force, five hundred feet 
be pumped from one into the other; that will then con- 
tain one thousand feet in depth more than the first. 
This accomplished, build yourselves fine palaces, gar- 
dens, and bowers on the bottom of the now dry lake, 
and put all your wealth and hope in them. Then let 
the gates be opened, and you will find yourselves five 
hundred feet under water, and you will only be laughed 
at for your folly. 

(The man who thinks that he can beat nature in her 
laws, is at least no statesman.) 

In order to have kept the lake-bed dry, the flood-gates 
should have been made permanent, for if it has a 
chance, water will always find its level; and man, so 
long as he retains the instinct of self-good, will seek it 
where he can best find it, and with a power as irresist- 
ible as the floods, he will accomplish it. For, under the 
inspiration of this self-good, the most powerful empires 
have been shattered to atoms, which have dared to with- 
stand his rights. 



200 APPENDIX. 



But if you wish successfully to check this tendency, 
you must prohibit by law the admission of foreigners 
into the country. This you can not do and carry on 
an extensive foreign commerce. The very idea of com- 
merce implies the right of emigration. When you re- 
strain the ingress and egress of population, or restrain 
man in the pursuit of happiness in all things which na- 
ture gives him a right to, then you have destroyed the 
very foundation of the republic. 

TARIFFS ANTI-REPUBLICAN. 

Tariffs are anti-republican; they are the elements 
upon which monarchy feeds and fattens; to maintain 
them wars are instituted. 

Once institute free trade, and what difference will 
it make to the United States who owns Cuba, Mex- 
ico, and Canada, provided they are wisely governed 
and their resources fully developed. It would make 
no difference who claimed Lorraine and Alsace, or 
whether Eussia or Turkey held Constantinople. All 
men would receive their just dues. The game of war 
would be ended ; monarchy would die a natural death, 
and republicanism would spring up spontaneously every- 
where. Thus we see that monarchy, and not repub- 
licanism, would be swamped. 

It seems strange that this author should never have 
noticed the effect of free trade between the states of 
the American Union ; also, the equalizing influence it 
has on labor and wages. If anything transpires in any 
part of our vast country which raises wages in that 
particular section above the average price (it makes no 
difference if it is common or skilled labor), there will 



APPENDIX. 



201 



be a rush to that locality by the kind of labor which is 
in demand, until the price is brought to a level with 
other sections of the country. 

And if this is the law of humanity, as manifested in 
America, that they will travel and move their families 
from Maine to California, where there is a chance to 
better their condition, will they not also travel from 
Europe to this country when there is such a wide dif- 
ference in wages caused by high tariffs, as this author 
says? If so, his argument kills itself. For nature will 
recompense those who violate her laws, as well as those 
who obey them. But each after its kind ; the one with 
a blessing, the other with a curse. 

It seems strange to me that men possessed of reason, 
and claiming to be statesmen, should declare it impos- 
sible for a republic to exist and prosper without a high 
protective tariff, while the very thing they claim to 
be impossible has existed for the last ninety-five years 
in full blast, to the admiration of all mankind, in the 
shape of the American Union. 

Look at Florida, Louisiana, Texas, California, New 
Mexico, with all the other territories, and Alaska. 
Since we have annexed them, they pay no tariffs. Are 
we injured thereby ? Not a bit ; but we are much bene- 
fited by free trade with them. 

Suppose we annex Mexico, Cuba, Canada, and San 
Domingo ; if we can not live as a republic with free trade 
with them out of the Union, how can we with them in 
the Union ? But if they were a part of the Union, 
and were still forced to pay imposts, then I claim that 
they could not be equals with the rest of the States, so 
long as there was a discrimination against them. This 



202 APPENDIX. 



would be anti-republican, and all men would so con- 
sider it. Now if protective tariffs between different 
sections of the Union are anti-republican, they are 
anti-republican between states not in the Union. 

Eepublicanism is a principle not subject to change by 
statute, but superior thereto. Statutes are judged by it. 
It is the rule of justice. It allows no man to take any 
value from another without an equivalent in return, 
and that by mutual consent. 

Protective tariffs are a modified species of piracy. 
They rob one class for the benefit of another, and re- 
tarn no equivalent therefor. They deny this, yet ac- 
knowledge it in the same sentence, when they boast of 
how poor they have made the foreigner, and how much 
better the American can live with double the wages of 
the Europeans. The American lives like a nabob ; and 
so did the buccaneers of the West Indies, and pirates 
of Tripoli and Algiers. They, as the tariff men, lived 
on the earnings of other men, for which they never 
gave an equivalent in value. Does not the high price 
the American gets come out of the just wages the 
European should get? Wherein is the European com- 
pensated? Is it by his own consent? By no means. 
It is therefore robbery and piracy. 

Is a nation justified in doing wrong because she pos- 
sesses the power to do so. Who is so ignorant that he can 
not see the wrong in this case. Has a nation the right, 
because she possesses the power, to degrade the citizens 
of another, and then turn around and boast of it, as 
does this author? and also claim that this is the true 
basis of republicanism : to reduce the rest of the world 
to poverty and barbarism, in order thereby to pamper 



APPENDIX. 203 



and raise up a moneyed aristocracy in America, who, 
would finally rob the people of the little liberty left 
them. This, he pretends, is the destiny of the American 
republic; not only to forge fetters for, but to assist the 
European monarchs to bind them on their subjects, to 
keep them poor and ignorant, so that they can con- 
trol them at their will; lead them like sheep to the 
slaughter ; to rob other monarchs of their domains, in 
order that they may reap the unjust revenues of the 
conquered provinces, to be expended for their own per- 
sonal aggrandizement, and in a licentious and dissipated 
life. 

If free trade were once established, there could be 
nothing gained by conquest. The motives for war would 
be removed, and if there were no more motives for war, 
there would be no necessities for armies; and with the 
motives for war and the armies removed, the expenses of 
carrying on a civil and righteous government would be 
small, and the tax on the people would be so light that 
they would not feel it. A man that would then demand 
a protective tariff would be looked upon as insane, or 
else a villain. The fact is, if I have a just view of the 
matter, there are no grounds upon which to demand a 
protective tariff. 

If the American is the equal of the European in in- 
domitable energy and skill, which this writer more 
than admits, for he says, " They are far superior in all 
their oapacities, not only in energy and skill, but even 
in that mighty requisite to success, called intelligence, 
the effect of a better education." He also admits that 
" our machinery is superior," and we know that our 



204 APPENDIX. 



other facilities are far superior. Our undeveloped re- 
sources are not equaled in the world. 

Now, with a people superior in all respects, w T herein 
they are in competition with another people ; with re- 
sources at home so immense that they can not be com- 
prehended ; with the very markets which they are to 
supply at their doors ; with the necessaries to sustain life 
so abundant that the whole world could be fed thereby ; 
with no necessity to import any raw materials for their 
manufactories; while their rivals suffer great disad- 
vantages in these respects: First, the necessaries of 
life are dearer; second, they must import many of the 
raw materials for their manufactories from foreign 
lands; third, they are at the expense of double ship- 
ments, the paying of imposts and insurances — shipping 
some of the material half around the earth; with all 
other risks, and length of time consumed in the double 
voyages, shipping the raw material first to Europe, then 
the manufactured articles back again ; the idea that 
after all this they can undersell us in our own markets is 
preposterous, and too absurd to require an answer. If 
they can actually do this, they must in all respects be 
our superiors, and deserve to have the trade. But this 
is not the case. As I said before, we have beaten Eng- 
land in her own colonies in many implements, and the 
cutlery trade ; and we can beat her in the woolen and 
cotton manufactories also, if we will. If we will, we 
can raise more wool in the United States than would 
be requisite to clothe all the nations, and cotton in pro- 
portion. But perhaps this is not what he means by 
swamping the republic. It may be in a pecuniary as 



APPENDIX. 205 



well as moral sense. If so, we will consider this view 
of the matter. 

The United States used to double her wealth once in 
ivvclve years, but since the area of free trade has been 
enlarged by the admission of many new states (the 
most of them by annexation or purchase), we now 
double our wealth in nine years, and the more free and 
untrammeled our trade is, the more rapid the increase 
of our wealth. 

The matter finally resolves itself into this proposi- 
tion : Is it practicable to extend the American republic 
over the whole of the American continent? If so, free 
trade must accompany it. But if free trade is imprac- 
ticable, then the establishment of an American conti- 
nental republic is impossible, for free trade and repub- 
licanism are synonj^mous. 

But if they are practicable on the American conti- 
tent, and we are growing richer every day as we expand 
and enlarge the Union and free trade therewith, why 
should it not embrace in one commercial union Europe, 
Asia, Africa, and America, with all the isles of the seas, 
with a court of commerce to regulate it (see congress 
of nations in first volume). Universal peace will never 
be attained without it. Free trade means peace, but 
protective tariffs mean war. 

There is another phase of this matter which is as dis- 
agreeable to the truly republican citizen as the objec- 
tions I have already made ; that is, the instant we adopt 
a protective tariff, we destroy the equality of the citi- 
zens; we tax one class for the benefit of another. It 
lays the foundation for a moneyed aristocracy, which, as 
it increases in wealth and power, endangers the liberties 



206 APPENDIX. 



of the people. It widens the gap continually between 
capital and labor. 

This thing has been carried to an excess even in re- 
publican America. But, thank God, it was not done by 
republicans, or men who knew aught of statesmanship, 
but by demagogues and villains. Our penitentiaries, 
poor-houses, houses of ill-fame, and every other mean- 
ness in the land, are its fruits. The political skies 
throughout the world are growing dark. Capital and 
labor are arrayed against each other. We hear the 
muttering sounds, as of distant thunders, in all parts of 
the world. Labor is demanding redress, and it will 
have it either by compromise or by force. But if by 
force, woe be unto whatever stands in its way. 

After reading the last section in this writer's essay, 
one would think that all American citizens could be- 
come millionaires through the influence of protective 
tariffs. He acknowledges that all that is received in 
the shape of tariffs by the United States amounts to 
only twenty million dollars. Now it is certain the 
American manufacturer can not be benefited to a greater 
extent than the amount paid by the European mer- 
chant in satisfying the American tariff, which amounts 
to twenty million dollars. Now, take the immense 
manufactories of the Northwest, with their rapid in- 
crease in numbers and capital; those of Pittsburg, and 
the East, and the thousands of millions of dollars worth 
of their products annually, then recollect that he told 
you that the tariff in toto amounted to only twenty mill- 
ion dollars, and that is the utmost limit of the benefit 
received by the American manufacturers through its 
instrumentality. Now, if he is correct, as I think he 



APPENDIX. 207 



is in this statement, his conclusions are false. Deduct 
these twenty millions from the products of the factories 
and they would not feel it, for it would be but a fraction 
to each of them. Just hear what he says: 

"He then turns his energies and his capital into new 
railways, or other important projects inviting and giv- 
ing employment to increased population and stimulating 
general enterprise throughout the state. But a few 
years ago that man lived upon his weekly earnings, 
but now he is a millionaire." 

Can all this come out of twenty million dollars' worth 
of protection ? That amount would never produce such 
results. Twenty millions of dollars divided equally be- 
tween those manufacturers, according to the amount 
each one produced upon which there was a tariff, de- 
ducting therefrom the excess paid for wages in conse- 
quence of the tariff, which this writer contends is very 
considerable, and there will not enough remain to en- 
able them to bound upward in a few years from a com- 
mon day laborer to be millionaires. Yet they do ac- 
complish these things, and what does it prove? It 
proves that the business of the manufacturer in the 
United States is very profitable, independent of any tar- 
iff. It also proves that they need no protection. I have 
worked for manufacturers for three dollars per day, and 
they received for my work seven and a half dollars; 
again, for two dollars per day, and my employer re- 
ceived therefor twenty dollars. This is what I call 
earning the loaf and receiving the crumbs. These are 
the capitalists who cry for protection. 

I knew one of these capitalists who discharged a good 
man and hired a foreigner, just from Germany, for four 



208 APPENDIX. 



dollars per week, while the man had to pay three and 
a half dollars for board. But I am glad that this capi- 
talist was not an American, for I should have been 
ashamed of him. But if protective tariffs operate as 
claimed for them, then I see nothing to hinder European 
capitalists from emigrating to this country, bringing 
with them the very scum of their own country. If 
protection is so wonderfully good, why do such swarms 
of Germans visit us annually? — for their country has 
high tariffs which ought to keep them at home. The 
fact is, it is a humbug used by political demagogues as 
a hobby to ride into office upon. 

The mischiefs in America, as well as in Europe, have 
quite a different source, which I have pointed out in my 
previous essay. 

So I will say to those friends who wished me to write* 
something in favor of a moderate tariff, provided I 
found anything in nature which warranted it, I found 
nothing in its favor; but nature declares that the true 
'principles of a perfect republic are Free Trade, Equal 
Eights, and Eternal Justice! 



APPENDIX. 209 



COMMERCE vs. PROTECTIVE TARIFFS. 

NOTE A. 

I append this note to the previous one, on account of 
its close relationship to it; but should not have written 
again upon this subject had it not been for the appear- 
ance of some strange ideas, in the city papers, in regard 
to the "Coin Drainage," and deploring it as a calam- 
itous foreboding of national bankruptcy. 

It seems that such writers have no idea of the true 
principles of commerce, or why people exchange one 
value for another. 

1. Why lose sight of the grand motive power which 
prompts men to action, viz: wants. 

2. The power of discrimination which always accom- 
panies every act of this kind, determining the relative 
value of things, and their capacity to satisfy human 
wants. 

3. The eternal and fixed law of human nature, which 
always, of two things, chooses the better. 

No sane man ever exchanges a superior value for an 
inferior one — that is, in relation to his wants — but that 
which he receives possesses a value to him superior to 
the one that he gives in exchange. And such alone are 
the motives prompting the exchange of one commodity 
for another. Money is worth nothing more than its 
representative value, which is conventional; and when 
not used as a medium of exchange, or with an idea to be 
so used, is worthless, unless it possesses intrinsic value, 



210 APPENDIX. 



like gold or silver, which of course varies in value like 
all other articles of trade. It is always used in exchange 
for articles for immediate consumption, or for those on 
which labor is to be expended, in order to evolve new 
commercial values, which new values ofttimes greatly 
exceed the original. Therefore, the person who ex- 
changes his money for articles of this latter class is 
much wealthier by the transaction. 

The person having the most money on hand is not 
always the wealthiest. The most successful men are 
those who turn their money in the shortest possible 
time into articles constantly changing in value. The 
more rapidly money passes from hand to hand in busi- 
ness transactions, the healthier is the state of commerce, 
and more prosperous and happy the nations. As was 
said in the preceding essay, the commercial relations 
between the nations are, or should be, precisely such as 
exist between the States of the American Union ; and, 
if unobstructed, would be as smooth between the nations 
as between those States, as commerce naturally knows 
no fictitious lines or boundaries. And under such cir- 
cumstances money would flow through the channels of 
commerce in accordance with her laws, or the commer- 
cial wants of the great body of mankind, as does the 
blood in the veins of the most perfect animal system. 

If those men could give to money language and 
memory, what information they would receive from the 
doubloons, guineas, and dollars at the end of a year, or 
when the same coins, after making their annual round, 
should again clink in their pockets, They would tell 
them of the welcome they received at the hands of all 
mankind, being dearly loved by, and acceptable to all 



APPENDIX. 211 



fortunate enough to temporarily possess them; which 
fact would naturally suggest the idea that money should 
be made the mediator to preserve universal peace. 
Those coins would also assure them that war was fre- 
quently caused by some retaining them beyond the 
natural period they ought to possess them, in their cir- 
culating course, and ofttimes attempted to gain pos- 
session of them without giving an equivalent therefor. 
And further, they would tell them that one thing as- 
tonished them very much, viz: that, notwithstanding 
all seemed anxious to obtain them, yet, when in their 
possession, they sought every opportunity to get rid of 
them for something they stood more in need of, or liked 
better; and finally, that man wished to use them for 
no other purpose than as a means to accomplish their 
desires. 

" The Americans extracted us from the mines, coined 
us in their mints, and in the innocence of our youth, 
with the ring of the true metal, we sang hallelujahs ! 
But they soon traded us off to the English for rail- 
road iron, cotton and woolen fabrics; and since that, 
time some of us have traveled the world over. We have 
been exehanged with the Eussians for hides, tallow, 
hemp, iron, and lumber ; then again with France for 
silks, wines, etc.; with Spain for fruits, spices, nuts, 
olives, and wines; for carpets with Turkey; for dia- 
monds and other precious stones with Brazil and Af- 
rica; and with Persia and Arabia for dates, gums, 
citrons, olives, figs, cinnamon, and other spices, and 
perfumes of all kinds. 

"True, some of us did not travel so far; but with 
many of our cousins, who were born in the mints of 



212 APPENDIX. 



other nations, we have returned immediately, and beeis 
exchanged by the English and French for Southern 
cotton, tobacco, rice, and many other articles which 
England and France needed more than us. And the 
South have exchanged us with the North for bacon, 
lard, corn, flour, and many manufactured goods of ne- 
cessity to them." 

"Thus we have been tourists, carrying good cheer 
wherever we went. Although you thought, when you 
parted with us, that you would never see us again, or 
hear our sweet voices in chimes and melodies, singing 
the song of peace and good will to men, you see we have 
returned ; and we assure you that our brethren will all 
be here also in good time, but they must first perform 
their duties to other peoples and nations, for we and 
they belong to all mankind, and must fullfil our mission 
everywhere. And so we make you glad again, after a 
short absence. Our bright faces and ringing voices are 
always attractive, both to old and young. Try us, and 
you will see that our jingle will make the children 
laugh. We like those who like us, and are pleased to 
be doing our good work among mankind. Like the 
eagles, where the carcass is, we gather together. We 
are the blood of the nations, and give life and vigor to 
their corporalities." 

"If left to our own influence, the circulation is even 
and regular, producing an even temperature, and a 
happy and healthy state of body and mind. But if the 
quacks administer their nostrums and destroy our equi- 
librium, some of us become inactive, and chills follow; 
and sometimes the circulation becomes too rapid, and 
fevers ensue. These produce a bad state of health, out 



APPENDIX. 213 



of which grows all manner of diseases, with nervous 
debility. Then a want of confidence is the result; 
convulsions and anarchy speedily follow; and if the 
quacks are not dismissed, destruction is inevitable. 

"When we pass into other hands do not despair, for 
we will speed i 1 3- return, with many more of our cousinsi 
provided you have something nice to exchange for us; 
but if you will not let us pass, we can not do you, or 
any one else, any good, for our capacity to do good con- 
sists in being used." 

A superabundance of coin is no evidence of the pros- 
perous condition of a nation ; but it is an evidence that 
the nation has attained the climax of its greatness, and 
has begun to decline. It is with nations as with indi- 
viduals. The man who keeps his money in hand, and 
does not permit it to circulate or take its own course in 
commerce, will never be prosperous, but gradually be- 
comes poor, living upon the principal until nothing is 
left. But those become wealthy who exchange their 
money as rapidl} T as the} 7 can, for such things as to them 
possess a higher value. 

The less coin there is in the United States, the greater 
is the evidence of their prosperity, for money is not 
wealth, but its representative. If our money is gone, 
we have a higher value in its place, consequently are 
richer. We have received materials therefor, the values 
of which we can double many times. This is so with all 
nations. The English exchange their gold for cotton 
out of which they manufacture many times the original 
cost of the cotton. 

A protective tariff attacks the first principle in human 
nature upon which the idea of commerce is based, 



214 APPENDIX. 



namely, self-good, out of which springs the desire to 
make the best choice possible; that is, of two evils to 
choose the less, and of two goods, the better. And ye* 
its advocates pretend that such doctrine is republican 
in principle, while in reality it is opposite to the very 
spirit of republicanism, as is the antagonism of hell to 
heaven. No republic can endure except by free trade ; 
for if, in the start, somebody is to dictate to us what to 
buy, or who from, our individual liberty and inde- 
pendence are gone, and there is nothing left to build a 
republic upon. (See "Rights of Things, or Individual 
Eights," Part L, Chapte/XVL) 

We will now proceed to elucidate the subject in 
another direction, viz : What are the signs of the times 
which indicate an excessive diminution of coin in the 
United States? 

First, one of the editors referred to, says : " The free 
traders succeed in reducing the tariff upon pig-iron two 
dollars per ton, in consequence of which, in one year, 
the amount of foreign pig-iron imported into the coun- 
try increased from 200,000 tons tq 440,000 tons, and as 
a result there passed to England seven millions more 
money than would have gone under the previous 
tariff." 

He forgot to tell how many more tons we received 
for the money than we would have obtained under the 
previous tariff. And what is still better, this was pig- 
iron out of which there could be greater values created, 
in proportion to the original cost, than if it had been 
already manufactured into bars. Suppose its value 
would be trebled by American skill and labor ; it would 
then be equal in value to 1,320,000 tons of pig-iron. 



ArPENDIX. 215 



The reader will see that the pig-iron was worth more to 
us than the money, for we are now three times better off 
than we were with our money. This comparison is 
just, and will apply to all our transactions with foreign 
nations as well as among ourselves. We will trace the 
matter further and answer the objections of high tariff 
men. 

First, why the Americans import more than they 
export ? 

As was said before, national matters are perfectly 
analogous to those of individual citizens. For instance, 
a man commences to build up a farm. First, he ex- 
changes a portion of his money for the land, that beiny 
the basis upon which he expects to derive a greater 
value. He then expends a sum of money for fencing 
or inclosing it. Then a considerable amount for the 
erection of a dwelling-house, barns, stables, and other 
requisite buildings. Another portion of money is 
required for the purchase of horses and necessary uten- 
sils of every kind, until finally his farm is ready for 
crops. 

He has now only money enough left to carry on his 
farming. Does any one think that this man considers 
himself poorer by the exchange of his money for the 
farm? And does any one think that, because this man 
for the time bought more than he sold, he was becom- 
ing impoverished ? If so, let such a person wait a year 
or two and see the wealth and comfort that this man's 
investments have produced. 

This is exactly the case with the United States. In 
1843, I lived near Washington, in Iowa. At that time 
I could ride in three hours to the outskirts of the white 



216 APPENDIX. 



settlements, and there was not a railroad between the 
Ohio river and the Pacific ocean. Iowa had then 
30,000 inhabitants. 

But what is the case now? Iowa is a State with 
more than 1,200,000 inhabitants, and the whole country 
between the Mississippi river and the Pacific ocean is 
largely populated, and quite a number of States since 
that time have been organized and admitted into the 
Union, while several territories are now applying for 
admission as States, and the country is traversed by 
thousands of miles of railroads. 

As the Americans use much more iron than they are 
able to manufacture, it is desirable that they should ob- 
tain it at as reasonable a price as possible, and England 
being able to offer it at a cheap rate, there is where the 
money goes for it. 

A writer in one of to-day's papers, January 9, 1872, 
in speaking of the extension of the railroad service, 
says : " Its increase was nine hundred and sixty miles 
last month." 

This is enormous. A nation that can build nine hun- 
dred and sixty miles of railroads per month, and stock 
them with cars and locomotives, should not have a pro- 
tective tariff in iron. Are we poorer for having built 
these roads? Or, like the farmer, have we not ex- 
changed our money for that which is many times more 
valuable ? 

These roads have made the lands through which they 
pass of much greater value than ever before. New 
farms are opened up by the tens of thousands; new 
cities are being built, and employment is given to hun- 
dreds of thousands of men, not only on the new farms 



APPENDIX. 217 



but in building the roads, equipping, running, and keep- 
ing them in order, while the millions of dollars worth 
of freight carried over them, with their improved 
values, can not be calculated, but the amount is im- 
mense. 

Here we see plainly why we import more of some 
things than we export, and why our wealth so far ex- 
ceeds the gold and silver coin in our possession. There 
is no nation on the earth whose actual wealth is so great 
in proportion to the coin on hand as this. This is a 
happy condition and argues well. It shows the mighty 
energy and enterprise of the people. 

The transition of money in this country, from one to 
another, in exchange, exceeds anything in the world. 
A dollar may be used ten or twenty times a day, thereby 
representing twenty dollars. The Americans double 
their wealth once in nine years; therefore, it can not 
be expected that coin will bear the same proportion to 
the wealth as it does in other countries where man's 
wealth does not consist so much in real estate, but in 
the works of their hands, which are exchanged for 
money. When this country is all under cultivation 
this condition will overtake us also. The Americans are 
a rapid and energetic people. Their aspirations and 
enterprise know no bounds. They will not submit to 
unequal laws. You might as well attempt to bind the 
wings of light or put a tariff upon the air we breathe. 

The writer alluded to should recollect that the Amer- 
ican people have dispensed with the use of coin for the 
last tun years. They do not even get a sight at any 
gold or silver coin once in a year. They get along very 
well with the greenbacks, which makes many persons 



218 



APPENDIX. 



think that perhaps it would be as well to dispense with 
the gold and silver as a basis of currency altogether, and 
substitute some cheap and durable substance, with the 
government stamp upon it, in their place. 

The protectionists, when they discover that the peo- 
ple consider protective tariffs anti-republican and prove 
them to be such, change the question to specie drainage. 
But out of this they will be beaten just as sure as they 
were out of the other, for they are all inseparable. If 
true republicanism means eternal justice, then free 
trade must follow, and the mediums of" exchange must 
be equally free. This is unavoidable. It seems clear 
to us that no other conclusions can be arrived at than 
those advocated in these essays, viz : The establishment 
of a commercial court for the nations, with free trade ; 
those who follow shipping and carry the produce of 
one country to another to pay port charges in propor- 
tion to the time and use they make of them, these 
moneys tobeapplied to noother purpose than thekeeping 
up of the ports, so that no one is forced to pay any- 
thing for that which he receives nothing for. The high 
seas belong to all men, therefore must be absolutely free. 
The international relations should be the same as they 
are between the citizens in the United States; that is, 
the inhabitants of the whole commercial world should 
be on a common footing, each one paying the other 
for just exactly the benefits the other has conferred, 
For example, if a man ships anything on a railroad he 
pays the freight, and the same way with boats, ships, 
and all manner of conveyances. Out of the tariffs, the 
owners of railroads, boats, and ships are paid for the 
use of their conveyance, and out of the profits they 



APPENDIX. 219 



will be enabled to build and keep in repair the roads, 
boats, ships, and harbors. And when this order is es- 
tablished throughout the world, that no one shall have 
something for nothing, but that all will receive an 
equivalent in exchange, the whole luimam family will 
be united in one grand commercial republic. There 
will then be no cause for war, and the armies of the 
nations will be returned to civil life. Nations will 
then have no debts, and the people will not have to pay 
hundreds of millions of dollars interest yearly. Then 
my fine editors will have no occasion to groan when 
they hear of the coin leaving the country, without its 
equivalent in value having been received in return. 

When we speak of the world as a commercial repub- 
lic, we do not mean that the monarchies will be de- 
stroyed, but that they, as well as the republics, will be 
purified. We believe that it is possible for a monarch}- 
to be as pure and enlightened as a republic, as the 
reader will discover by referring to my essay on " Se- 
cret Springs of the Invisible Powers of Government," 
Chapters VII. and VIII., of the Second Part of this 
work. 

The reader will find in this essay the doctrine that 
all institutions and all persons must support themselves, 
and to take from others something for which we do not 
return an equivalent, is robbery or piracy, call it by 
whatever other name you please. 



220 APPENDIX. 



SIGNS OF THE TIMES. 

NOTE B. 

In the chapter on association of ideas in the mind 
and the counter association of matter, their similar or 
exact coincidence, we found that by the association of 
thoughts we could trace the ideas back to the original 
cause of the first thoughts from which sprang the first 
ideas; and the combination of those ideas into new 
thoughts from which sprang new ideas ; and from these, 
again, new results. We also found that the mind con- 
tained, in an undeveloped state, all the possibilities of 
matter; or, in other words, the counter forms and re- 
sults that matter was capable of producing. 

Matter, with its laws, becomes man's educator. As 
friction produces heat, so does matter generate thought. 
Whatever the order, or form, matter may assume, the 
thought generated will correspond thereto. The con- 
tact of matter with mind, or, more properly spoaking, 
the contact of matter with the sentient soul, through 
the medium of mind, is what generates thought. The 
form of matter, with its attributes, determines the form 
of thought with its attributes. From such thoughts 
ideas are evolved ; from these ideas experiments are 
made and inventions developed, which, being out- 
wrought in matter, are applied to the alleviation of 
the wants of mankind. 

This process of thought, evolution of ideas, experi- 
menting, etc., we call experience; the result in each 



APPENDIX. 2121 



particular case we term knowledge ; and the combined 
effect of all, we denominate wisdom, or the application 
of matter according to "the eternal fitness of things." 
From the contemplation of matter we derive knowl- 
edge; and the fruit of knowledge is wisdom, or the 
ability to apply matter to the highest purposes, pleas- 
ing or beneficial to the mind or soul. There are six 
grand sources of thought, viz: color, sound, smell, taste, 
feeling, and touch. These are the departments of sensa- 
tion, the basis of all knowledge. The reader will un- 
derstand by this, that when one masters these primary 
principles, he or she can trace all the sciences back to 
their origin ; to the first ideas and the thoughts from 
which those ideas originated ; and the order or form 
of matter which generated the first thoughts. If this 
be the case, there will be no difficulty in tracing the his- 
tory of human beings far anterior to any written record. 

The arts and sciences portray in their very nature 
their own history ; for they lead us back, link by link, 
until we discover their origin, or primal cause. We 
then turn our attention to man. By the information 
we have obtained from matter and her laws, we dis- 
cover that they are the perfect counterpart of man's 
constitutional being; and by the assistance of such 
knowledge we read and unravel his nature until nothing 
is left unknown of his wonderful history. Before this 
light, the darkness and mystery of the eternal ages ar 
revealed to us, and man is a mystery no longer. 

As we now possess the keys which unlock the mys 
teries of man and nature, we will turn from the past 
and contemplate the present and the future. Man, in the 
present age, compares most favorably with his condi- 



222 APPENDIX. 



lion in the time when it was stated that he knew not 
that he was naked. When, by the force o( his own 
nature, he made the first effort toward civilization he 
was so ignorant that he did not know the difference 
between up and down, right and wrong. But as he 
has gone on progressing, slowly but steadily, from 
a lower to a higher plane, there never has lacked 
those who denounced him for his aspirations, in the 
name of an imaginary divinity ; and anathemas and 
severe denunciations were his portion day by day. 
Yet, the divinity of his own nature prompting him, he 
has overcome all opposition. From the tree of knowl- 
edge of good and evil, he has learned to chose the good. 
He now reigns over nature as a god ; he commands 
the elements and they obey him. I think the old, fabled 
God was a little too severe with him, when he strove 
so often to exterminate him, declaring ^that it "repented 
him that he ever made man." He should have had a 
little patience and set some better examples himself. 

Methinks, if that God of Moses, who commanded the 
construction of the ark, would wake up and make a 
tour of the earth, visiting the different nations, he 
would discover the improved condition of mankind 
since those days ; and he would be surprised at their 
mode of navigation, as well as at their railroads, their 
telegraphs, the power they have gained by mechanics, 
their achievements in arts and sciences, and the high 
civilization to which they have attained. He would re- 
joice and be glad; and, if he was not, he ought to be 
proud of man. For man in his primary condition was 
a mere beast in human form, yet containing the divine 
principle within him, though in a dormant state, which 



APPENDIX. 



223 



required ages to arouse; but now, being quickened in 
his mental, moral, and spiritual nature, he displays the 
majesty of his power. 

Judging from the past and the present, and especially 
the progress made in the last quarter of a century, it 
will not be long before he will gain entire mastery over 
himself and the external world, when the heavens will 
be proud of him and the angels will rejoice and be glad 
of his company. Perfect and glorified man, who dare 
be ashamed of thee? 

No, no, the heaven3 will then rejoice, 

The constellations ring; 
Archangels will be proud of him, 

And man in triumph sing. 

My confidence in man's final triumph is as unshaken 
as the foundations of the universe. By the mighty 
principle of self-good innate in his constitution, he will 
be prompted to advance in the line of self-emancipation 
until he will finally triumph over all opposition and 
attain the full measure of divine bliss. I do not believe 
in any other mode or principle of salvation. This is 
the perfect fulfillment of the law. The ashes of a heifer, 
the blood of goats or bulls, or even that of a man, 
avail eth naught. They are relics or memorials of ancient 
ignorance and barbarism. The keeping of the law is 
the only thing requisite ; and that alone availeth in the 
elevation and regeneration of the race. And these are 
the signs of the times. Before 1776, all the nations 
were governed by vicegerents of this old ignorance, 
who claimed the divine right to rule and tyrannize over 
men. But in that glorious year in the annals of human- 



22t APPENDIX. 



ity, that shameless pretense of the divine right of kings 
was shattered, and man has steadily and rapidly been 
emancipating himself from the thraldom of religious 
and political tyranny. Since then, constitutional gov- 
ernments have been established among nearly all the 
nations, in a great measure protecting the people 
against the despotism of this beastly power. As the 
bird which escapes from its imprisonment in a narrow 
cage rejoices in his freedom, so, too, man rejoices in the 
liberty which nature guarantees to him. He is relieved 
from his narrow limits and cramped condition ; his 
genius expands, and mighty and wonderful works do 
follow. He is triumphing in every direction. His 
victories are sure. The earth, the water, the air, fire, 
electricity," and, in fact, all nature is acknowledging the 
magic of his power. He commands and it is done. 
Cities are bound together by bands of steel in the shape 
of railroads, by which are conveyed, in the shortest 
possible time, the surplus products and manufactures of 
one part to another, thereby supplying their mutual 
wants Man has also learned to subdue the winds and 
waves, and vessels of all descriptions ride triumphantly 
upon the seas, even in the face of the fiercest storms. 
He controls the electric fluid, and by its instrumentality 
his thoughts flash along the wire stretched from place to 
place, thousands of miles apart, and even beneath old 
ocean's surging billows, where whales and other mon- 
sters of the deep with freedom glide along, unconscious 
of the power of mind 

"Which thrills the earth, the air, and seas." 
Man now ascends high into the air; dives deep into 
the bowels of the earth and gathers geologic lore; he 



APPENDIX. 225 



scans the mighty universe; penetrates far into old na- 
ture's mysteries, and drinks deeply and freely of the 
glory, beauty, and mystery of her divinity. Thus 
lofty in his position, he looks with contempt upon the 
old jealous, fickle, and revengeful God who destroyed 
the tower of Babel for fear of man's rivalry. He then 
turns to the works of man. He has read in geology of 
the upheaving of the continents; but now he sees 
something analogous in the destruction and develop- 
ment of governments. Whole nations arc born in a 
day. The bands which bind them in slavery and igno- 
rance are broken at one stroke. He sees Japan, like a 
continent at the bottom of the ocean, agitated with in- 
ternal unrest, upheave until she runs her mountain 
summits far above the regions of the clouds. Japan 
is a lesson to all statesmen and proves my doctrine 
of the 'perfect ruler. If she, with all the disadvan- 
tageous circumstances surrounding her, can, under a 
perfect statesman, advance from her low estate to a 
first-class power, physically, morally, and intellectually, 
she will be a wonder to the world and a grand exem- 
plification of the power, wisdom, and beauty of true 
statesmanship. And I here predict, that if the present 
Mikado should live to old age and pursue the same 
course of action under the same inspiration, his nation, 
in his own lifetime, will stand at the head of all nations, 
and Japan, like a sun, will enlighten all Asia. The 
nineteenth century will know three great benefactors, 
who will stand out in bold relief in the ages to come, 
viz: Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States 
of America; Alexander II.. Emperor of all the Eussias, 
and the Mikado of Japan. These three men, with 



226 APPENDIX. 



superhuman power, withstood the force of an ancient 
prejudice which threatened even their own destruction; 
but with a wisdom and justice and fortitude and pa- 
triotism which astonished the whole world, they suc- 
ceeded and have immortalized their names, thus laying 
the foundations for the emancipation of all mankind 
from all manner of thralldom. 
Such are the glorious sigkb of the times. 



APPENDIX. 227 



CO-OPERATION. 



NOTE C. 



A beautiful symbol of co-operation is represented in 
the movements of the snake. This animal, although 
having no legs, is yet, on account of its peculiar forma- 
tion, enabled to move at will in any direction it chooses, 
which has astonished many who have witnessed its 
rapid motion. 

But when we examine this creature, we are struck 
with the simplicity of the means by which it governs 
its movements. The snake is covered with scales from 
the head to the tail, layer upon layer, in regular succes- 
sion, like a fish. The back part of each layer, or the 
part toward the tail, overlaps the front portion of the 
next layer of scales; so that, when the hand is drawn 
from the head toward the tail, upon the belly of the 
snake, it is as smooth as a mirror; but reverse the 
movement, and the scales will take hold of the hand 
with a force like a rasp. 

Let us now watch the motion of the snake, and note 
the philosophy thereof. 

First, it is divided into two departments; from the 
middle to the head forming one, and from the same 
point in the opposite direction constituting the other 
department. If this reptile wishes to move, no matter 
in what direction, it first draws up its body in a zigzag 
position, making short turns, curves, or angles, which 



228 APPENDIX. 



it does by expanding or raising the scales upon the 
foremost part of the body, which, taking hold of or re- 
sisting the earth underneath, enable it to draw the 
remainder of the body toward the head, it sliding along 
easily on account of the scales lying closely to the body 
and offering no obstacle to a forward movement. Then 
the scales upon and near the tail in turn are raised 
from the surface, and form a resistance to the earth, 
preventing a backward movement, while the head 
reaches forward until the snake is extended to its full 
length, when the scales on the foremost portion of the 
body reperform their office, to be followed again by 
the tail, each alternating in such rapid succession as 
hardly to be perceptible to the eye, its speed being won- 
derful. 

The decision and promptness with which the two 
departments co-operate arc very striking, and excite 
the admiration of the observer. The forward is the 
attractive department, for it draws the tail; while the 
latter is the propulsive, for it drives the head. The 
head, however, is the engineer, and directs the way for 
the body to run, while giving it impetus also. This 
instant the head occupies a position, but the next the 
tail is in the same place, while the head has again shot 
forward to a more advanced position. The tail then 
springs forward, as if determined to catch the head, 
while the head seems to display a determination to 
escape from the tail. Yet but one force and one design 
govern both head and body. 

Thus it is between the statesman and the people. 
The plane occupied by the statesman is soon arrived at 



APPENDIX. 229 



by the people, when the statesman again ascends to a 
higher plane. 

All systems in nature which are self-sustaining pos- 
sess a perfect government. These, if understood, are 
suggestive to the statesman, for there is a similarity 
between them all — all belonging to one grand system, 
the same principle repeating itself throughout all na- 
ture. The government of an individual is the same as 
that of a nation, for a nation is but the aggregation of 
individuals; and when aggregated, their interests be^ 
come one. 

This theory of the motion of a snake presents a les- 
son which we should heed, viz: the head can never get 
farther in advance of the tail than the length of the 
body; and with whatever strength the head endows the 
body, the body will have power to drive the head for- 
ward ; and whatever the head achieves is imparted to 
the body. Thus it is evident that whatever is for the 
interest of the one is for the interest of the other also. 
If this be true — and who can gainsay it? — the govern- 
ment which separates itself from the people, or has 
distinct interests, commits political suicide. Like poor 
Mexico, Spain, Persia, and all other nations like them, 
they will soon obliterate themselves. 

All great statesmen are proud of not only the mate- 
rial greatness, but of the moral and intellectual exalta- 
tion of the nation they govern, and they should be 
ashamed if a nation declined under their rule. Such 
a thing is positively criminal in the highest degree. 
If a ruler finds that a nation is retrograding under his 
authority, he should resign or abdicate at once, for there 
is no better evidence that nature never intended him as 



!30 APPENDIX. 



a statesman or ruler. He does not belong to the de- 
partment of the head, but will find his appropriate 
place near the tail. 

Nations always flourish under the contiol of states- 
men. I think that the proudest position a statesman 
could occupy would be to rule, by choice, a nation 
whose humblest citizen was a profound philosopher. 

But what relationship, it will be asked, exists between 
this high state of affairs and the snake theory? 

Answer: A perfect analogy. For we see that where- 
ever the head went the body followed. If it went to 
the summit of the hill, it drew the body up also; but 
if it went down into the mire, the body, of necessity, 
had to follow. 

I must say here, that I am sorry our rulers do not 
heed the teachings of nature more than they do. If 
they would only open their eyes, they would see ; and 
if they would listen, they would hear. Nature would 
speak to them with the sweet voice of divinity, and 
show them the wisdom of the Most High. As a loving 
child, the statesman would be led by the mighty divin- 
ity into the paths of the highest wisdom, for all nature 
is prolific of and alive with inspiration and instruction. 
Cease, then, to worship the almighty dollar, and let 
your souls expand generously toward your fellow-men. 
Let the sympathies of kings and emperors be extended 
to the humblest of their subjects. Let each feel that 
the nation over which he presides is but one body, and 
that he constitutes the head. As he would sympathize 
with the parts of his own body, however menial their 
office, so let him sympathize with the meanest of his 
subjects. When he feasts and revels in his palace, let 



APPENDIX. 231 



him remember the poor. Let him reflect that perhaps 
at that very moment some of his subjects are in abject 
poverty, not knowing wherewith to sustain themselves; 
perhaps poorly housed, and their children crying for 
bread, while in their terrible anguish they are implor- 
ing heaven for succor. I say, let him reflect, and divest 
himself of his gaudy and expensive apparel ; let him 
dispense with his luxurious living, for he should know 
that this is one of the causes of the poverty and suf- 
fering of his people. He should also know that he is 
not onl} T responsible to God, but to the whole nation 
for their welfare. He should feel himself responsible 
for all the sufferings of his people, and be ashamed if 
they fall below other nations in material prosperity, 
intellectual advancement, or moral growth. 

We must all feel thankful when we reflect that thi 8 
is beginning to be the great international standard of 
honor. The degraded state of a nation is now charged, 
and justly, too, to its government. The sovereigns of 
the world are derided if their nations fall below what 
the world has a right to expect from them. 

The time has passed when nations were considered 
the property of their rulers, and they could waste the 
substance of the people in riotous living, and yet be 
considered honorable. They now receive the scorn of 
all mankind. The signs are propitious. When we look 
over the world, we see many glimmerings of statesman- 
ship in the different courts of the nations; some of 
them decidedly brilliant and in the right direction, and 
marking their authors as statesmen of a high order. 
Such, for example, are the two emperors — the one of 



232 



APPENDIX. 



Russia, the other of Japan. Alexander II., of Russia, 
has immortalized his name, and should receive from all 
peoples the proud title of Benefactor. He has added 
another and exceedingly brilliant star to the crown of 
Russia. Peter, in his noble effort to place his country 
in the van of nations, won for himself deathless fame 
and the grand title of Peter the Great. 

A monarch who could leave his empire, go into a 
foreign land and learn the trades of blacksmith and 
shipbuilder, all for the love of his people, whereby he 
expected to raise them from a state of. barbarism to a 
high state of civilization — which he did actually ac- 
complish, as the present greatness -of Russia amply 
attests — I say, such a ruler richly deserves the appella- 
tion Great. The union of the two would form a proper 
motto for Russia, in her relations to mankind; that is, 
Great Benefactor. 

Peter made her great, and Alexander II., after be- 
soming the benefactor of his own people, now enables 
Russia to become the great benefactor of the nations; 
at least so let us hope. Next is the Mikado, or Em- 
peror of Japan. The young Mikado has shown himself 
worthy of all praise. He certainly is the most mas- 
terly of all the statesmen that now rule the world. 
With the force of a mighty giant, almost godlike, he 
is raising his people from ignorance and narrow-minded 
superstition to the highest plane of civilization. The 
results of his acts seem almost magical. It puts one in 
mind of the upheaving of the continents from the bot- 
tom of the ocean ; or, almost as a God, he says : Let 
there be light; and darkness and superstition flee apace ; 
civilization, like a sun, illuminates his empire; the 



APPENDIX. 233 



nations rejoice in its light, and appreciate its congenial 
rays. 

If all countries were blessed with such rulers as Alex- 
ander II. of Bussiaand the Mikado of Japan, it would be 
but a few years until all peoples would be prepared for 
a universal order of peace and a congress of the nations. 

While I am writing of such matters, the reader will 
excuse me for introducing in this place a figure, laugha- 
ble yet instructive: the spider and his web. I havo 
gazed upon the spider many a time, while in the act of 
weaving his web, and wondered, laughed at, and ad- 
mired its dexterity and skill. He chooses a suitable 
locality, then from a center he strikes out with his deli- 
cate threads in form of the rays of the sun, laying the 
foundation of his web; then with circular threads he 
weaves them together with exquisite symmetry and re- 
markable skill, and completes his palace. Then, as a 
king or ruler, he sits enthroned in the center, the lines 
running from the center to the circumference serving 
as telegraphic wires to convey intelligence from every 
portion of his dominion. The moment anything, how- 
ever slight, touches any part of his fragile structure, its 
tender vibrations convey the information to its owner, 
who rushes instantly to the point from whence the dis- 
turbance proceeds, or alarm comes, to profit by whatever 
happens. If it be an enemy, he combats him at the 
outskirts of his domain; but if he be a fly, or any other 
insect upon which he feeds, then woe be unto it, for he 
immediately takes it captive, and darts with wonderful 
speed to his capitol, or palace, in the center. 

If this teaches any lesson, it is this: that the capital 
of a nation should be as near the enter of the territory 



234 



APPENDIX. 



asthe circumstances will permit. It should connect itself 
by railroads and telegraphs with every port, town, and 
city in its dominions, they running, like the lines of the 
spider's web, from the center to the circumference, or ex- 
tremities, with circular lines intersecting at various in- 
tervals. Thus, similarly to the spider's web, would all 
the parts of the country be woven together by lines of 
rails and wires, laying the basis for a perfect system of 
domestic commerce, the transportation of people aud 
goods, and the transmission of intelligence from any and 
all points desirable, whose impulsator, or mover, like 
the spider, would be in the center, or seat of government. 
No. section of country should be isolated from this grand 
system or center. 

In building a new empire — like Brazil, for instance — 
the wisest course the government could take, after 
locating the site of the capital, if the capital were in- 
land, would be to run railroads to the main ports, thereby 
opening commercial relations with foreign lands or 
nations; then to enact liberal laws in regard to emi. 
grants, giving them lands if they would occupy and 
cultivate them ; then to run railroads from the capital 
in all directions, and settle and cultivate the lands along 
the different lines. 

Brazil being a monarchy, the government should do 
this until her citizens are able and enterprising enough 
to accomplish such improvements themselves. That 
government should take lessons from the spider. There 
are many other governments which might profit by 
lessons from the snake and spider ; for instance, Turkey, 
Persia, Mexico, and Central and South America. I 
rejoice to see Egypt becoming spiderized, so to speak. 



APPENDIX. 235 



Russia is throwing her influence in a tangent, from her 
capital, in all directions. All Europe is alive to this 
doctrine. America has set the example, and the world 
will follow (only she should put her capital somewhere 
near the center). 

But, returning to the Emperor of Brazil, I will say, 
that we do expect much from him when he returns, 
with his mind filled with the inspirations he receives in 
foreign lands. A monarch who leaves his throne to 
visit other countries for information, in order to benefit 
his own subjects, can not be too highly praised. It 
would be well if this should become a custom, and be 
universally adopted. If the Archduke Alexis, now on 
a visit to this country, should ever become Emperor of 
Russia, the friendship already existing between Russia 
and the United States would become complete, for the 
Americans are certainly well pleased with him, which 
esteem seems to be reciprocated by Alexis. The friend- 
ship and respect for each other being mutual, the good 
results which will follow no one can foretell. 

I said Egypt is becoming " spiderized." She is build- 
ing railroads through the deserts into the wilds of 
Africa. Let no one hinder her, but let all the nations 
encourage and assist her, if she needs their aid. Egypt 
may again become great. She deserves it, for she is 
the mother of the arts and sciences. Like the spider, 
let her throw her web of railroads over Africa, and 
redeem it. God bless old Egypt and her ruler I 

I must again speak of Brazil. With the incalculable 
resources 01 this empire, if it should be engineered by a 
first-class statesman, in less than fifty years it would 



23G APPENDIX. 



equal in wealth and power the United States of North 
America at the present time. 

The present Emperor should follow the example of 
the Mikado of japan. He should encourage men of 
genius of every class to emigrate to his empire. He 
should, by all means in his power, encourage artists 
and manufacturers to settle in his dominions. And above 
all things, agriculture should receive his special atten- 
tion and encouragement. 

Again, I say, the signs of the times are most auspi- 
cious. The world has never before been under the 
control of so wise and just rulers as it is at this time. 
They seem to vie with each other in noble acts, and 
each is striving to raise his nation to the summit of 
greatness in a peaceful way. Those nations who excel 
in the arts and sciences, and consequently rate high 
in the scale of civilization, are revered by all mankind. 
They have their just influence, which is proved by 
Japan and China imitating them. They are the ac- 
knowledged national lights of the world. 

The contest in the future will not be in the battle- 
field, with sword and cannon, but in the academy of 
arts and sciences. Nations will be prouder of such 
achievements than they ever have been over a field of 
slain heroes. The highest ambition of the votaries of 
science will be to equal, and if possible to excel, those 
princes of literature, Humboldt, Agassiz, Darwin, and 
Huxley, in natural history; Lusac, Liebig, and Hare, in 
chemistry ; Demosthenes and Cicero, in eloquence ; 
Moses, Solon, Lycurgus, and even the immortal Paine, 
in statesmanship; Kepler, Galileo, Newton, and Her- 
schell, in astronomy; Pocock, Marco Polo, and Living- 



APPENDIX. 237 



ston, as explorers, and Columbus, Drake, Cook, Frank- 
lin, and Kane, as mariners and discoverers. The agri- 
cultural chemist will cause the desert to blossom as the 
rose; will command the stones to be made bread, and 
it will be even so. Then peace and plenty will cover 
the earth as the water covers the great deep. Man will 
know war no more* 

*T his essay is inserted in the Appendix on account of having 
been overlooked in the first edition, and because the author deems 
it requisite in order to further elucidate co-operation, and to pre- 
sent a few ideas omitted in the other essayg. 



238 APPENDIX. 



CAPITAL OP THE WOELD. 

NOTE D. 

In the essay upon the " Congress of Nations," 
Chapter XV., Part First, there was something said 
about building a capital for this Congress. It was in- 
timated that possibly some island could be found whose 
area would be ample and climate salubrious and de- 
lightful, being in all respects appropriate and satisfac- 
tory to all. But if not. then the best possible situation 
upon some continent should be selected. 

There are some few suggestions which might be 
made in relation to this city. First, in regard to its 
site and surroundings ; second, the construction thereof; 
third, the means of transportation ; fourth, mode of 
keeping it clean ; and fifth, city regulations. 

SITE OP THE CITY. 

We will note some of the necessary things in relation 
to the site for such a city, always supposing it to be lo- 
cated in a temperate and healthy climate. The next 
thing requisite would be a large body of fresh water, 
deep and clear, such as some lakes afford. It should 
be situated upon an elevation, or mound-shaped hill, 
declining gently in all directions from the center. Then 
there should be an elevation near the lake whereon to 
build a reservoir to supply the city with water. This 
reservoir should be some distance from the city, the 
center of which should be at least four miles from the 
lake. 



APPENDIX. 239 



CONSTRUCTION OF THE CAPITOL. 

In the center, on the highest portion (the whole 
ground having been previously prepared), there should 
be one hundred acres or more appropriated as a site for 
the capitol, and park or parks surrounding. In as close 
proximity as convenient should be located all other pub- 
lic buildings, each supplied with ample and beautifully 
laid out grounds. 

The streets should be at least one hundred feet wide, 
each sidewalk occupying twenty feet, thus leaving sixty 
feet between. The whole space, from house to house, 
on all the streets in the city, should be paved with 
finished marble slabs. The streets should be graded so 
as to decline to the center. .Railroad tracks should be 
laid on either side of all the principal streets. The side- 
walks should decline from the houses to the curbs, to 
conform with the general declination of the streets; 
they also to be paved with smooth and closely jointed 
marble slabs. The alleys to be twenty feet wide and 
paved with smooth stone, declining from the sides to 
the middle. Each should be supplied with two rail- 
road tracks. 

Around the public square, on the opposite sides 
of the street, would be the residences of the members 
of the Congress. No wooden structure would be al- 
lowed in the city. The city would be kept perfectly 
clean in a manner I will presently explain. 



210 APPENDIX. 



TRANSPORTATION, ETC. 

No animals to be allowed within the city limits. On 
the outside streets should be erected stores for the re- 
ception of produce and means of sustenance, and further 
than these no animals or wagons would be allowed to 
pass. From them, produce and goods of all kinds would 
be conveyed to every part of the city by means of 
Streetcars driven by steam or springs. The alley cars 
would convey out of the city the garbage and filth. 

Along all the streets there should be, planted double 
rows of shade trees. The large parks should be outside 
of the city, but through the centers of the principal 
streets there should be botanical gardens. No exten- 
sive manufactories would be permitted within the city 
limits. The palace of palaces for the continuous world's 
fair, a* well as all the great colleges, to be located out- 
side of the city also. No sectarian churches to be al- 
lowed within, but could be built outside of the city, if 
desired ; but all to be left free to worship as they please, 
or not to worship at all, as seems best to themselves. 

The outside of the city to be laid off into nice drives 
and parks, amply provided with fountains, statuary, 
and all manner of exquisite improvements that genius 
can design and invent and art complete. 

MODE OF KEEPING THE CITY CLEAN. 

In the construction of the city, it will be remembered 
that the streets and alleys were all to bo paved with 
smooth stone, declining from the sides to the middle ; 
and, as a matter of course, from the center of the place 
to the outside, in every direction, water would therefore 



APPENDIX. 241 



run into the gutters, and from them into sewers, and 
thonce be convej'ed outside of the city. 

By means of hose or gum-elastic tubes connected with 
the water-pipes laid in all the streets, the cit}- should 
be washed every day. It should be the duty of certain 
persons to attend to this matter. It might be made a 
part of the duty of the police; for there should be a 
police force kept on duty at all times; not that we 
think that there would be crime in such a place, yet 
they would serve a good purpose in directing strangers 
to different parts of the city, to act as interpreters be- 
tween the different nationalties ; and, while attending 
to those duties, they could also wash tho streets. As 
there would be no animals or wagons to soil or wear 
the streets, they could be kept, with but little trouble, 
as clean as a parlor. There would be no dust in the 
city, and washing the streets daily would keep them 
cool and healthy. 

MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS 

The city would be possessed of municipal powers 
like all other cities, Congress not interfering with the 
corporate authorities. But all property belonging to 
the nations in common would be exempt from all con- 
trol of the municipality; yet no member of the Con- 
gress could violate the laws of the city with impunity. 
The city would have the power to arraign any such 
offender before the Congress. The municipality could 
make no change in the form of the city, nor any public 
improvements. These would belong solely to the Con- 
gress so that there would be no antagonism in authority. 
In this the city would differ from all others. Her main 



242 APPENDIX. 



sphere would be to keep peace between the citizens. 
There would be no poor citizens. If a man with a 
family was too poor to live according to rules that 
would naturally be established here, he would not be 
allowed to become a citizen, for there would be no infe- 
rior houses and no one would be permitted to own more 
than one residence. There would be no renting of 
houses, but one could share a portion of his house with 
a friend, should he chose to do so, and charge or not for 
the use thereof. 

In every square there should be a first-class house of 
entertainment, for the accommodation of the tens of 
thousands of visitors to the city and the fair, which 
would always be open. These houses would be at the 
disposal of the Congress and independent of the city. 
They should be proportionally divided between the 
nations, -each one to have as many, according to her 
population, as any other. But if one nation should not 
need her proportion, she could, as an act of generosity, 
transfer them for the time to those who lack. Those 
houses to be under the control of the two members of 
each nation to which they arc allotted, but still to be 
under the general inspection of the Congress. 

Many who read this will wonder if the author really 
did believe or anticipated such matters in the future. 
I will answer that I believe them possible, and that the 
reality may far transcend what I have written. I am 
one of those who have great faith in the future. In 
short, I hope that what I have written, and much more, 
is in store for poor humanity. If I did not, I would 
not write as I do. I am not writing for money, but for 
the love of humanity. I have put my whole mind lor 



APPENDIX. 243 



more than thirty years to the study of man, and fore- 
gone all ideas of fortune in order that I might assist 
in his elevation. And I am willing to work out my 
whole life for the good of common humanity. I do 
certainly not regret my course, nor do I at this age 
despair of man's final triumph. My ideas of man s 
finality the reader will find in my writings. What I 
know I certainly do know, and that knowledge is what 
I wish to transmit to mankind. 

But to return. The gas works, as all matters which 
produce dirt, should be outside of the corporate limits. 
The city to be lighted with gas in every corner by the best 
mode man can devise at the time ; besides, or with the 
addition of an apparatus to be constructed within the 
capitol or house of the Congress, and to extend to the 
height of three or four hundred feet from the ground, 
will be displayed a thousand burners, arranged in a 
unique and elegant manner, representing beautiful 
forms and noble mottos significant of the era — such as 
Peace, Union, and Harmony ; Justice, Freedom, and 
Eight, etc. This light, almost rivaling the sun, would 
represent the civilization of the age. A wide extended 
intelligence would be fitly represented by a light of 
this kind. 

It would not only illuminate the city, but the country 
for miles around. It would be lighted by an electric 
spark. 

But the reader will say that to build such a city, and 
maintain it in such splendor, would be very costly. A 
city so substantiall}' built, the streets paved as described, 
with no beasts or wagons to destroy or make them 
filthy, would last for an age, with but little additional 



i44 APPENDIX. 



cost for repairs. The buildings all being fire proof, 
the cost for keeping them in repair would be very 
slight. But even were it continuously costly, the ends 
for which it was created would justify the expenditure, 
however immense. 

It would inaugurate the era of peace. For the want 
of it, the nations are taxed at least one thousand mill 
ions of dollars annually. This is the cost of maintain- 
ing the armies and navies of the world in times of 
peace. But in times of a general war the cost can not 
be calculated, they are so great and yet so uncertain. 
Yet I think that the cost of the war between France 
and Germany (to say nothing of the fearful loss of lives 
and property destroyed), in money expended on both 
sides, with the indemnity France must pay to Germany, 
would more than build such a city. Besides, such a 
state of things as would bring about the establishment 
of such a magnificent world's capital, would return to 
honorable productive labor several millions of able- 
bodied men, whose labor would be ample to build such 
a city every year. 

The cost of building the most magnificent city that 
the best architects of the age could devise, with the 
annual expense of the court or congress of the world, 
would be but a trifle in comparison with the expense of 
maintaining this present order of things. But when 
we take into consideration the benefits the world is to 
derive from this order of things, the cost vanishes from 
sight. 

U The first result would oe the destruction of the 
old rule of arbitrament by force of arms, by which the 



APPENDIX. 245 



armies and navies would become useless and cease to 
exist. 

2. Diplomacy with its intriguesand national rascality 
would also cease, which would save the expense of am- 
bassadors at each court. 

3. The depressed nationaltics would be brought 
into commercial relations with more prosperous coun- 
tries. 

4. One of the first acts of this Congress would be to 
readjust the geography of the nations; all smaller na- 
tions to be absorbed into some larger national cor- 
poration, according to the nature of their location 
and national peculiarities; the world to be divided 
into the largest possible empires or republics, as the peo- 
ple might choose. 

5. All useless languages to be discouraged ; the num- 
ber to be reduced to as few as possible, for the differ- 
ences in language has been found to be one of the great- 
est causes of difficulty and misunderstanding between 
nations. Besides, it would be of incalculable advantage 
to mankind to rid the world of all but a few leading 
languages. The final result would be one all-compre- 
hensive and noble language for the convc} 7 ance of every 
variety of thought in elegant, terse, and forcible terms. 

6f. The establishment of a continuous World's Fair 
would have a tendency to promote good will and har- 
mony, with great pecuniary benefits flowing there- 
from. 

There is one thing certain to my mind, to wit: The 
nations can never establish a universal and permanent 
order of peace without some such an arrangement as I 
have proposed in these essays. 



246 APPENDIX. 



Yet there are many things which will be suggested to 
the statesmen of the age that will witness the iulfillment 
of my anticipations, which I have not mentioned, and 
which they will apply both in relation to the city and 
the government of the world, which I, in my time, wish 
them God speed. 

But I must add in the conclusion of this note, that the 
city would all be laid off according to the most approved 
plan before any work of construction was commenced. 
The city to be four miles square ; or, if laid out in a 
circular form, of corresponding dimensions. The cap- 
itol, or house of congress, to surpass in magnificence and 
splendor any structure the world has ever seen, and to 
be a perfect representative of the age and genius of the 
nations who built it. It should be large enough to 
afford ample room not only for the Congress, but to be 
a repository for all the libraries of the world. 

The repository of arts would be outside of the city, 
in the great art museum connected with the temple of 
the world's fair. 

The city should surpass everything ever yet built 
by man, just as far as the age constructing it shall sur- 
pass all preceding ages in the arts and sciences. Thebes 
Nineveh, Babylon, Jerusalem, Bagdad, Athens, Borne, 
Consi n.inople, the Alhambra of the Moors, and mod- 
ern Paris, London, and St. Petersburg, would all be 
cast into the shade by the magnificent splendor and 
beauty of this city. Above the mighty temple of the 
House of Congress, as before stated, will be located the 
grand luminary, a beacon containing a thousand brill- 
iant gas-jets, which will be lighted instantaneously by 



APPENDIX. 247 



an electric appnratus that will flash forth with such 
dazzling splendo r, that strangers will think that the 
sun has burst forth at midnight from the midst of the 
heavens, for it will be light enough to read for miles 
outside of the city. 



-48 APPENDIX. 



THE GRAND, THE BEAUTIFUL, AND THE PER- 
FECT IN NATURE. 

NOTE E. 

I was once asked by a Frenchman if I thought that 
there were such grades in the nature and condition of 
mankind as warranted the idea of aristocracy, or 
whether nature recognized an aristocracy. 

Answer. — Nature not on\y acknowledges it, but teaches 
it throughout the whole universe. 

Yet, while she teaches this, she does not deny the 
constitutional equality of all members of each species 
of beings ; but she also declares that the species them- 
selves transcend each other ; that is, one species is 
superior to another ; and even the genera are not all 
equal, but commence with the lowest and rise in regu- 
lar succession to the highest, which is man, or the 
genus homo. 

This genus, when divided into species, rises from the 
lowest or Hottentot to the highest or Caucasian ; and 
each species is again divided into many classes, from 
the most inferior to the highest. This is the univer-al 
as well as the eternal order of things. When we ex- 
amine a single class or species we find them constitution- 
ally all alike, although circumstances make them differ 
widely. 

We will, for illustration, take the Caucasian species. 
The members of this great family of the human race, 
constitutionally, are supposed to be exactly alike; but 



APPENDIX. 



249 



the circumstances anterior to birth during infancy, 
youth, and all subsequent life, so affect the different 
members that the constitutional equality apparently 
seems lost. But this is not so. Each member mani- 
fests just as much of this constitutional power as his 
surroundings warrant. 

Prenatal or other circumstances may prevent the 
exercise of some constitutional powers, and they re- 
main dormant. Again, each may have been equally 
well developed, and surrounded by as favorable cir- 
cumstances, yet some neglect to avail themselves of 
their advantages. In such a case, they would not be 
equal in their powers to those who made the best use 
of all their surroundings. 

Society would be fitly represented by the rose in its 
various stages of development. First, in the bud; 
second, when partly unfolded; and third, in full bloom. 
It is evident that the bud possesses, though in an un- 
developed condition, all the attributes of the full-blown 
rose, yet it is less attractive, less beautiful, less desirable, 
and does not answer so high a purpose ; and, as a con- 
sequence, it is named in a lower class. So, different 
persons, as they develop and exercise their innate 
powers, like the rose, make themselves lovely and de- 
sirable in proportion to the degree of development to 
which they have attained, and the plane of humanity 
they occupy. Just as the mercury in the thermometer 
rises to certain degrees, indicating the temperature, so 
human beings rise or fall in the scale of humanity, in 
accordance with their developments; and those upon 
the same plane recognize their equals, while those be- 



250 APPENDIX. 



low can not fail to discover and acknowledge the supe- 
riority of those above them. 

This is natural aristocracy. And all, as they rise 
higher in the scale of their being, aspire to still higher 
planes of life, in conformity with the spontaneous 
promptings of their natures. They pass through the 
grades which were described in the ''Perfect Man." 
(See page 171.) Therefore, to those which are above 
they naturally aspire, while to those which are below 
they descend in sympathy, in order to elevate them to 
the plane they occupy, however high. 

But this is not giving sanction to the present order 
of what is called aristocracy. As was stated in the 
"Perfect Man," the present order of aristocracy bears 
the same relation to natural aristocracy as counterieit 
notes to the genuine, only the resemblance is not so 
complete as in the latter. Nature's aristocracy are 
blessed with all the virtues which are the fruits of per- 
fect wisdom. The greatness, splendor, and glory of 
natural aristocracy are what incite those below to en- 
deavor to ape and counterfeit those high qualities. 

Persons love to be considered noble, wise, and just. 
They love the splendor that wisdom and greatness 
confer, and under their cover some in authority prac- 
tice the most disgusting vices that ever degraded man, 
and even spend in luxurious and riotous living the 
mites and tithes of poor washerwomen. They tax the 
poor to death, producing poverty and crime throughout 
the land, in order that they may ape natural nob l emen. 
But by their fruits ye shall know them. 

In a monarchy they should elevate to the throne the 
person best capable of sell-control, and who is by nature 






APPENDIX. 251 



a ruler; in a republic, the one who has ascended highest 
in human wisdom and experience. As for aristocracy, 
let every person ascend as high as possible in the scale 
of humanity, and nature will award to such ones all 
the honors they deserve, whether men admit it or not. 
It is better to be great and not known to be such gen- 
erally, than to be thought great while possessing no 
such qualifications. 

There are men who rule the mightiest empires and 
are never known, while oihers are known only as 
abusers of empires, yet force their subjects to concede 
to them the grand epithet of king, which is a miserable 
abuse of the term. This thing called king happens 
sometimes to be a slave to the basest of passions, not 
being able to govern himself, much less the nation. 
He is a counterfeit, and no king. Coronating such a 
one fifty times will not make him a king, and woe be 
unto the nation which is cursed with his rule. He is 
not one of nature's noblemen, nor does he belong to 
her aristocracy. 

A person who is truly wise and just will be conscious 
of the fact, and will be blessed by nature with a noble 
and divine pride, which constitutes the diadem of her 
aristocracy. This is reflected in the countenance, and 
is seen and admired by all. It is the crown which 
nature bestows upon her saints — virtue's reward, or the 
beautifying of the soul. And with this beauty and 
glory, the result of virtue, there is inseparably con- 
nected a corresponding power, which nature grants, 
thus qualifying the possessors to govern all beneath in 
nature, over which they have gained the mastery. In 
my essay on the "Perfect Man," in this volume, the 



252 APPENDIX. 



reader must recollect that I gave but a mere abstract 
of the perfect man's destiny. I did not deem it proper 
or advisable, in a work like this, to treat of man in his 
transcendent capacities. Neither did I consider it 
proper to give in full my doctrine of the threefold 
department of the mind. For, in treating of the uni- 
versal mind, I could not avoid speaking of man in his 
transcendent capacity; neither would it be possible to 
avoid treating upon the Universal Divinity in such a 
case; and therefore I have steadily endeavored not to 
do so, because it would swell the book much beyond 
the size intended, and besides would not be appropriate 
in this connection. 

In this work I have used the words God, devil, hell, 
heaven, etc., as mere rhetorical terms, without attempt- 
ing or desiring to give my views in regard to the pecu- 
liar signification of each. 



APPENDIX. 253 



WHAT IS GOVERNMENT? 

i What is government, and what are the elements that 
enter into its constitutional nature? How are they 
distinguished in their relation one to the other? At 
what point do we discover the first inklings of ethics; 
and what constitutes ethics? 

Answer — There are three phases of government: First, 
the Natural, or Universal ; second, the Individual ; third, 
the Social, or Conventional. 

In the first, or universal, we have three primaries, 
namely: Matter, Force, and Form. Without matter there 
could be no force and without form there is no law, and 
without law there can be no government. Government 
always implies at least three things : A governor, a force, 
and something to be governed. In nature, these three 
things are : Matter, Force, and Form ; form being the 
governor, for form always determines the use of force, 
as exhibited in the engine on the railroad, or electricity 
on the wire, or force in the machine shop. In either of 
these, form always determines the use of force. But, in 
the second phase of government, namely, the individual 
or self government, there are two new elements added 
that are not in the first, or universal order : First, sensa- 
tion ; second, the power of muscular expansion and con- 
traction, by which the form is changed for the time, 
suiting the caprice of the will. Out of the first, that is, 
sensation, grow all the powers of the mind and the 
will as dictator. This first attribute controls the second, 
and, by expanding and contracting the muscles, locomo- 



254 APPENDIX. 



tion is attained, the first achievement of the individual 
in self-government constituting the basis of the mechan- 
ical arts, whose productive results are the basis of com- 
merce, which, by the force of necessity, becomes the 
basis of the third order of government — the conven- 
tional. 

In these three phases of government, as we ascend 
from the basis, that is, from the universal to the third, 
each one is dependent on the one that precedes it for its 
existence, as illustrated : Three can not exist without 
two precedes them, neither can two exist without one 
precedes, for the first is the basis of the other two. The 
individual, although capable of exercising a government 
distinct from the universal, yet is forced to conform to 
her general laws, if he wishes to be successful. By his 
ability to change his general form, by the expansion and 
contraction of his muscles (for form determining the use 
of force) he is thereby enabled to attain self-government. 
For every act in self-government is, in one respect, a con- 
formity to universal law, and, in another respect, a 
transcending of universal law ; he counteracts them — 
forces them to conform to his will, which is also natural, 
but of another phase of nature, that is, the supernatural, 
the will being the dictator, or changer of the form, there- 
fore absolute governor. In his mechanical pursuits he is 
partially in alliance and partially antagonistic to the 
laws of gravity. For, how could a mason build a house 
without counteracting the laws of gravity? To climb a 
ladder or a mountain is the same. Without motion 
there is no government, and that, too, by a violation of 
some of nature's laws. For, if we do not maintain a 
government aside from universal nature, then there is 



APPENDIX. 255 



no individual government possible, and this would pre- 
clude the idea of social government. 

The question of what constitutes social government 
has nothing to do with the principles of either monarchy 
or republicanism— of good or bad government. A ty- 
rant's government is as complete as that of a saint. The 
government of hell is as complete as that of heaven ; they 
only differ in their motives. So we see the first princi- 
ples in nature are the laws that govern the individual, 
and when he finally achieves self-government it is by 
conformity to these laws. With the individual, the will- 
power is dictator over the intellectual power, subject to 
in volition, or constitutional nature. In his actions with 
universal nature, from whence he evolves those matters 
of commerce which he carries into the third, or conven- 
tional order, he must be left free; but when he enters 
the social, then, and only then, is he subject to conven- 
tional laws. Therefore, each individual must be left 
free from all other dictation in his relation to the natural 
or universal government, and in this he is only respon- 
sible to that same principle in himself; or, in other words, 
to himself. His obligations to others do not commence 
until mutual wants force them (for the object of ex- 
change) into the third phase; the conventional and 
commercial order of government. This must be by 
mutual consent, for they have found that it is for the 
best interests of both to cultivate the good-will of each 
other. First, the fear of the consequences of a violation 
of natural law; second, the fear of retaliation and re- 
prisal by their fellow-men (by the law of vi et armis.) 
Hence, the mutual idea of a code of justice is suggested 
to both as their laws of commerce. 



256 APPENDIX. 



Here, arises the first inkling of ethics, for the natural 
combativeness in all individuals, each seeking his self- 
good and the standard of what is right, is innate in all 
men ; also the love of society being one of his strongest 
traits ; with a fear of the evil consequences of a violation 
of the natural laws, along with the ill-will of his fellows, 
they readily agree to their code of ethics. They recog- 
nize the sacredness of the involuntary nature of man as 
inexorable, and the true standard of justice, this being 
called the first principles. 

The second principles were the individual rights, 
which grew out of his tastes and caprices, backed by his 
will-power. By this means they have blended the two 
into a third order — the social and conventional; and in 
order to keep peace there were laws of commerce agreed 
upon — the organization of society was a natural result. 
And, that peace might reign and justice be done, courts 
of judicature were established; and, that the decisions 
of the courts might be obeyed and respected, a police 
was established. Thus originated the conventional 
order of government. This could never be attained 
until the individual attained self-government. 

The common law was educed from the involuntary 
and inexorable in nature, which is common in all men 
and never changes. The individual tastes, whims, and 
caprices are sacred to the individual in his individual 
capacity, and are not subjects for the conventional, or 
for the legislature to meddle with, so long as the indi- 
vidual keeps them sacredly to himself; but the instant 
he attempts to thrust them on society, then the legisla- 
ture has the right to restrain him within his individual 
limits, in the interests of the commonalty, it having been 



APPENDIX. 257 



an encroachment of the individual upon society; but 
when restrained within his natural sphere, lie is again 
free, and to molest him any further is an encroachment 
on his individual rights, which can never be permitted. 

This whole matter, so far, is governed by the highest 
idea of ethic*, which is deduced from the highest idea 
of individual rights relatively. The social can never 
descend beneath the bounds of the. elements that con- 
stitutes its nature. When it does it is an act of tyranny, 
and a crime against the individual. There is no con- 
nection between the conventional government and that 
of nature, but through the individual, as in geolo- 
gy. The individual is a stratum dividing the nat- 
ural from the conventional. Nature's laws are all 
inexorable, and can not, by any possibility, be made 
conventional. 

"All the principles that enter into conventional gov- 
ernments are contained in the individual as inherent, 
and the inherent rights, when combined by mutual 
consent, constitute the elements of the social order of 
government; and the rights and extent of this govern- 
ment can never embrace anything that was not conceded 
by the individual to be common, for all authority ema- 
nates from the individual. The reserved individual 
rights dare not be encroached upon, neither by an indi- 
vidual nor the corporate authority. The encroachment 
upon these rights is what constitutes crime, for which 
the individual has a right to demand redress in the 
courts of justice. These reserved rights are all non-con- 
ventional, and are not subjects for legislation. 

All corporations have the absolute control of all things 
pertaining to themselves as independent organizations; 



258 APPENDIX. 



thus individual interests can not be infringed upon by 
another corporation, even if the first exists within the 
other. They are as free from the other in their corpor- 
ate interests as is the citizen in his individual interests. 
For example, the farmer has a right, not a delegated 
right, but a primary right which he inherits from nature, 
which he reserves; that is, to construct his buildings 
and make all manner of improvement on his farm to 
suit his own tastes ; plant vineyards, orchards, or plant 
none, just as it suits himself; farm his own land to suit 
himself, not asking any one for his consent. So, too, 
has a city a right to control her municipal interests with- 
out leave or license from all other corporations, so far as 
they have no complexity therewith. Counties and 
townships have the same right, each to manage its own 
affairs to suit itself, the same as the farmer has to im- 
prove his farm without the consent of the state, or any 
other outside interest whatever. This rule applies to 
the states relatively, as well as to the general govern- 
ment. The states precede the general government ; for 
out of this combination arises the general government. 
Its attributes embrace naught but that which arises from 
the complexity of the states with each other, and these 
being a unit, unite the heterogeneous states into one 
grand union — the states as independent states are still 
its base, and precede it, as do the indestructible parti- 
cles of matter every organized body. The states are 
sovereign in and of themselves, whilst the general gov- 
ernment is not sovereign of itself, but a reflex or reflec- 
tion of the complex states. The states are the reflex of 
their individual citizens, thus proving that all authority 
originates with the individual. The great union called 



APPENDIX. 259 



the United States is naught but the complex reflex of 
all the citizens in the republic, and has no right or power 
of itself, for, of itself, it does not and can not exist ; for, 
without the individual there would be no states, and 
without the states there could be no union. Therefore, 
the life of this union is the complex or compounded life 
of all its individual citizens. These rights of the indi- 
vidual corporations are exactly as those of the single 
individual personally ; they precede the conventional in 
the single individual; so, also, in the corporation as an 
individual, before it merges into another or larger cor- 
poration. The same law governs both as individuals. 
The right does not descend downwards but ascends up- 
wards. The rule of government is to advance from its 
base, but not to descend beneath it, where it has no 
rig-ht, or even an existence. 

It looks ridiculous for a city to ask the state for a per- 
mit to lay gas and water pipes in her streets, for a permit 
to build water works, lay out new streets, to create a po- 
lice to protect herself, or contract a city debt. The state 
has no more right to dictate in these matters than she 
has to dictate to the farmer about the regulation of his 
farm. They are all of the same class of rights — the re- 
served, the independent individual rights. Each, in their 
individual capacity, are independent of all others. First, 
the citizen, in his individuality, is free from all others; 
second, the municipality, as such, is also independent of 
all other organizations. The township, as such, is inde- 
pendent of the county, the county of the state, the state 
of the union of the states. They are only held together 
by that which is mutual to them all — a mere delegated 
authority. This mistaken idea of statesmanship comes 



260 APPENDIX. 



from a want of a knowledge of delegated authority. (See 
the rule laid down in chapter 16, on 78th page, on Clas- 
sification of Eights) The organization of matter and the 
organization of society are perfectly analogous. There 
can be no property in any organization but what was 
contained in the original particles; they could not dele- 
gate that which by nature they did not possess. 

In my formation of government, I commence with the 
individuals, and combine, and recombine, until .1 attain to 
the grand ultimate. Whereas, other authors commence 
with the ultimates, which is false in principle as well as 
in fact; for the minutiae must of necessity exist first, and 
the ultimate is dependent on, and determined by, the 
minutiae. Its existence, as well as its constitutional na- 
ture and attributes, must be contained in the minutiae, 
and is only made manifest by their combinations. If this 
doctrine be true, then power is delegated from and by 
the minor corporations to those immediately created by 
their combination with another like corporation ; and 
these again recombine into a still more enlarged corpo- 
ration. Each exists only by a delegated authority from 
its primaries; and when its constituent power fails, tne 
corporation created thereby also fails — legitimate power 
is always derived from the minutiae, or primaries. So, 
if this be the case, then every act of those corporations 
which created this central power, in begging a license 
from their creature to do that which they have the natu- 
ral inherent right to do, is an act of abdication of their 
original rights and authority; it is a deterioration of 
republicanism, and an advance to monarchy — a central- 
izing, with the divine right emanating from the throne. 

This thing is growing worse every day. There is no 



APPENDIX. 261 



salvation from these impending evils but by a general 
and vigorous course of education in political science; 
not only that the masses may not be imposed on, but that 
those we send to represent us shall be capable to judge 
of what pertains to the individual as too sacred for legis- 
lation, and that which pertains to society as complex 
matters; for, between ignorance and scoundrelism, our 
republic is being crucified. Either educate the masses 
politically, or disfranchise those who are not capable of 
voting intelligently ; for we do not wish to be enslaved 
by a set of ignorant sots who would sell us for a dish of 
pottage or glass of ale. Will we be fools enough to let a set 
of sots sell us, merely for the gratification of the courtesy 
of extending the franchise and right to vote to a set of 
men who do not know up from down, right from wrong, 
politically — who would sell the American republic for 
less than Judas sold the Nazarene? If these men still 
wish to vote, let them educate themselves so that they 
may vote wisely and justly. Our government has ceased 
to be republican in its practices. It is a base, corrupt 
tyranny from A to Z. There is scarcely one act in ten 
that has the least ring or tingle of statesmanship in it. 

LICENSE, AND ITS NATURE. 

When the individual receives a license to do that which 
nature guarantees to him, then the authority is coming 
from the wrong quarter — from the creature to the cre- 
ator. This is the basest of monarchy — a tyranny that 
should be resisted ; for, if the matter be morally wrong, 
then the license is a legalizing of vice, a granting of pro- 
tection to sin, an indulgence, a piracy against heaven 
and man — anti-republican and anti-Christian — a shame 



262 APPENDIX. 



to America, a premium on crime. Confiscation is piracy, 
and destruction of property (as in the case of the moon- 
shiners) is vandalism — a sin against both man and God; 
first, against man, for taking his property without an 
equivalent in pay; second, against God, for destroying 
nature's productions, which were designed for the use of 
man, an act of vandalism both against God and man. 

From the above tendencies, there is no salvation but 
by a thorough political education of the masses, and the 
unflinching maintenance of the individual rights, both 
in person and property. 

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. 

Works of internal improvement, as a means of redis- 
tributing wealth, is one which should never be over- 
looked. It always has two objects in view : 

First: To improve the general avenues of internal 
commerce, thereby facilitating exchange. 

Second : To return to the poor a part of the general 
wealth, which has accumulated in the hands of the few. 

Therefore, the idea of a supposed want of economy in 
extensive public improvements, as a waste of public 
money, is not well founded. Money expended in any 
way, by either government or rich citizens, is a benefit 
to the poor; it is a means of redistribution. The gov- 
ernment collects its revenues from the general wealth of 
the nation. This is in the hands of the few. These few 
make their wealth by their traffic in the products of the 
labors of the poor. Therefore, any scheme of either the 
rich men or government is a benefit to the working 
classes, as it again redistributes the common wealth. 
There is no loss by a nation in any enterprise where its 



APPENDIX. 263 



own citizens receive the money invested. Those whose 
wants are greatest will seek employment first, and those 
with less will follow; while those with none will not en- 
gage therein. This is a happy mode of redistribution. 
A wise government will engage in internal improve- 
ments as long as there is any possibility of improving 
the condition of the nation. 

Besides the two benefits mentioned, there is a third, 
namely: Men, when unsuccessful in their pursuits, be- 
come demoralized. Their wants urging them, they are 
tempted to prey on the wealth of others. But if they 
have a chance for honorable employment, these tempta- 
tions never exist — that is, with honest men. A govern- 
ment's duty is to see that all who wish it shall have a 
chance of honorably earning a living, and that those 
who will not, when they have a fair chance, should be 
treated as criminals, and given healthy employment, at 
moderate wages, until they gain industrious habits. 

But the idea of a people becoming impoverished who 
engage extensively in public works is irrational; for it 
still retains all its w 7 ealth, only it has changed from the 
rich to the poor, thereby giving peace and security to 
the general public. The rich man is never injured by 
wisely-conducted public improvements, but his wealth is, 
in all respects, enhanced thereby; while the poor are 
decidedly benefited. It is well, however, that some acute 
economist should engineer the matter, as well as a com- 
prehensive genius to originate the scheme. Yet, if the 
scheme should be an entire failure in its objects, still it 
would benefit the working class by giving them employ- 
ment, and the loss be small, for the expense of the uti- 



264 APPENDIX. 



dertaking would be received back again by the very 
men who originally earned the money expended. 

There is no way so successful in keeping people vir- 
tuous as keeping them in highly remunerative employ- 
ment. In a common way men will provide themselves 
with employment; but, for the superfluously abundant, 
the government should undertake works of internal 
improvement. It is better than to. breed riots by idle- 
ness and want. 

BASIS OP A PERFECT CIVILIZATION. 

The social ethics of the community consists in what is 
called etiquette and courtesy ; it embraces all the ele- 
ments of social justice, and its courtesies the most re- 
fined sentiments that are embraced in the purest of 
religions. It harmonizes the Buddhist, the Jew, the 
Christian, the Mohammedan, the modern Spiritualist with 
the Infidel and Atheist. It kills all sectarian prejudice 
for man meets man on the common plane of humanity, 
acknowledging the divine rights of all. This kind of 
conduct begets a good will of man for man ; for every 
man sees and feels the sunshine of friendship beaming 
from the countenance of all men he meets ; it closes the 
door of inspection into other men's private judgments. 
It has only to do with externals in controlling men's 
actions towards each other. In its commercial relations 
it is governed by the strictest of what is called com- 
mercial friendship, which is founded in the idea of 
eternal justice; which idea is attained by the sentiment 
that prompts us " to do unto others as we would they 
should do unto us." And, as commerce binds all men 
together, it begets an universal friendship whose laws 



APPENDIX. 265 



are founded in eternal justice ; maintaining peace by the 
observance of the laws of social etiquette and courtesy. 

The above being the basis binding the individuals 
into a community, the very essence of the whole matter 
rests on the inviolability of the individual rights. The 
whole structure is built of the intrinsicalities contained 
in the individuals, they being inviolable ; and we must 
take things as we find them ; therefore, must build the 
community to accord with the individual rights. And, 
as the individual always stands between the natural and 
social, (or the conventional), he must always be left free 
in that which pertains to him as an individual, and only 
when he enters the social circle is he bound by its laws. 

Those laws are but the complex of the individual laws 
of the community and are in accord with every indi- 
vidual law of himself. Therefore, to keep them, or, in 
other words, to do justice to all others, he has only to 
read his own nature and obey it, thereby doing unto 
others as he would they should do unto him, thus 
filling the laws of justice hy acts of courtesy. But, if 
the individual is to be unmolested in his individual 
rights, either by the whole community or any separate 
individual, there must be a line of demarkation between 
them, which must, or should be, so well defined that all 
could understand them, and not infringe one on the 
other. But, if infringements do happen, the wronged 
party calls upon the proper officer of the community to 
rectify the matter in dispute. 

The line of demarkation as stated above is a code of 
laws agreed upon by the individuals in convention 
assembled. For individual government precedes the 
conventional. And the use of the conventional is to 



266 APPENDIX. 



facilitate the individual interests ; for man is only in- 
duced to enter society to better himself individually. 
The social, to him, is always a secondary matter, and 
must always subserve the individual interests. This law 
is the rule that governs all the community in their 
commercial relations one with the other. In this, the 
individual is left free. The social laws do not bind him, 
he has a whole empire to himself in which no one has 
a right to enter or molest him (see Anarchy, on page 
277.) As these rights are inalienable, they should be 



well defined, both in their essence and sco 



pe. 



In our introduction we stated that there were three 
phases of government. First, the natural, the basis of 
the other two. Second, the individual, the basis of the 
third, (the social and conventional.) which also em- 
braces in it anarchy, the free empire of man, wherein all 
reforms take place — the neuter political circle. 

As the laws of nature are in a good measure under- 
stood, at least so far as the arts are concerned^ it re- 
mains only for us to understand what man's true re- 
lations are in his social capacity to find the line of 
demarkation that divides him as an individual from the 
community at large. As the community are forced to 
concede to him his rights, all that is wanting is that 
they are defined, that is, those that are not common. 
As the rule is, that we must take things as we find them, 
and build accordingly, we find that no two are de- 
veloped exactly alike, consequently, they are a law each 
unto themselves. 

First, as no two can occupy the same place at the 
same time, and one of the strong traits of man's charac- 
ter is locality and a home, and the longer he occupies it 



APPENDIX. 267 



the more he is attached to it ; therefore, is entitled to an 
unmolested home. 

Second, as different men have different tastes, they 
will prepare those homes to suit their own tastes irre- 
spective of all other's tastes or convenience ; therefore, 
must be free to construct them. 

Third, many uses that land is put to requires a life- 
time to get the benefits therefrom ; therefore, he has the 
right of permanency of location. 

Fourth, as each follows his highest inclinations in all 
pursuits, thereby gains a skill and aptability in that line; 
therefore, should be left free to follow his own inclina- 
tions, thereby swelling the volume of commerce. 

Fifth, all works or schemes which affect commerce, or 
any general interest, as well as private interests, should, 
as far as possible, be carried on by private individuals 
or corporations. 

The magnitude of this possibility is shown in the im- 
mensity of our railroad system. One hundred thousand 
miles of road, with thousands of millions of dollars worth 
of matters, ail belonging to private individuals and 
corporations, operated independent of the general 
government, all on the principle of the individual rights, 
without jar or conflict, and each following its own 
interests, for the government only represents the com- 
plex interests of the nation, and is naught but an indi- 
vidual by aggregation ; securing each citizen against 
corrupt anarchy, or a general interest in all things 
without an individual interest, as the communists wish. 
(Perfect anarchy is that state of civilization in which all 
do right of their own accord ; it is the line of de- 
markation between the social and the conventional, the 
neuter line. See page 277 on Anarchy or the undercurrent 



268 APPENDIX. 



of government.) If there were such an order estab- 
lished as the modern communists wish, there would 
cease to be a motive to excel ; both in the arts as well as 
in literature, we would become Nomads, as the Indians 
are. 

But, in what does the conventional government con- 
sist, or what are its purposes and uses ? 

Its purposes are to unite the masses of wealth and 
power into one force, with a single aim, in order to 
more completely keep open and improve the avenues of 
trade both with foreign nations as well as the citizens 
with each other. 

MONEY VS. THE COMMUNE, OR COMMUNITY. 

The only evidence we have of a commune of interests 
is in our commerce and our money. All nations have 
the same. The money, be it gold, silver, or paper (it 
is all the same), it is a certificate from the commune to 
the individual, that he has contributed to the commune 
the worth of the certificate in substance of some sort, for 
the benefit of the citizens of the commune, and each or 
any of the commune are pledged to receive the same in 
part or full pay for any thing they may offer for sale. 
By the use of these certificates, in gold, silver or paper, 
men lay up fortunes, by which they can tell in their old 
age how much more they have contributed to the com- 
mune than they have drawn therefrom. The balance 
they hold, in checks of gold, silver and paper ; no one 
will refuse them when presented in payment for com- 
modities (they being legal tenders). We must, never 
forget that the community consists of individuals, and 
whatever we do to an individual we do to the com- 



APPENDIX. 269 



munity, and' that money held by an individual is a 
claim on one and all, and is an evidence of honesty. 
Even if a thief holds it, it will pass him until detected. 

There is no better system to govern man in his social 
capacity than is now in vogue. All we can do is to im- 
prove it. It has grown as a spontaneous result out of 
man's constitutional nature, and will be improved only 
as man advances and needs better conditions. The only 
new ideas that could now be applied are contained in the 
chapter on readjustment on page 101 of this book. The 
idea there advanced is, to let every one gain all they 
can by fair trade, manufacture or farming ; let every 
one follow his highest inclinations in all things, then tax 
all wealth alike per dollar, for the maintenance of the 
social order of government, and a special tax for read- 
justment, or the enabling of the honestly and unfortu- 
nately poor. For I maintain that those gigantic minds 
who are enabled by nature to engineer such vast 
interests are man's true benefactors, and nature blesses 
them in the contemplation of their successful operations. 
Why should we envy them ? They get no more for their 
work than we do, yet they strive di\y and night with a 
godlike mind in their creations of wealth for others. For 
that purpose has nature designed them, yet we torment 
and envy them ? We get more than they do. Surely we 
work hard, but we eat and sleep well, while they neither 
eat well nor sleep well; they are slaves for the benefit 
of the community. All they get is what they eat, 
drink and wear. 

By having millions of money does not increase their 
capacities either for consuming wealth or enjoying 
pleasure. But, the greater their wealth, the more they 



270 APPENDIX. 



are taxed for the poor. They are benefactors at A as 
well as at Z ; by which I mean that at A they keep a 
manufactory, hire many hands, pay them good wages, 
and at Z they are rich, pay great taxes for the unfortu- 
nately poor. And, as I said, money is the evidence to 
what extent we have contributed to the benefits of the 
community ; therefore, the community should bless and 
not curse the honest capitalists as do the bloody com- 
munists. 

This false and cursed idea is preached up by men who 
know neither A nor Z in the science -of government. 
They teach men that capital and labor are by nature 
antagonistic, when there is nothing more mutual. For 
example, I hold many thousands of dollars worth of cap- 
ital ; all my wealth in this capital consists in its intrin- 
sicahties, that is, its natural properties, out of which can 
be wrought many times its original value. This is done 
by skilled labor. Without this skilled labor, or the an- 
ticipation of it, my capital will not bear the expense of 
shipping it one hundred } T ards, for it is supposed I have 
paid for its uttermost intrinsic values, and without labor 
and skill expended thereon my capital is as worthless as 
dirt. As a capitalist I meet laborers, both skilled and 
unskilled ; I propose to them after the following manner: 

Sirs : You men have skill, but are idle for want of cap- 
ital to work on ; therefore your skill is worthless to you. 
I have capital, but I have no skill ; therefore my capital 
is equally as worthless as your skill. Come, let us make 
a compromise. I will furnish the capital and you the skill, 
and the enhanced values shall be divided between us. I 
will engineer the commercial part and you shall engineer 
the mechanical. 



APPENDIX. 271 



So we see that capital and labor are, in their natures, 
not antagonistic, but are mutually dependent one on the 
other. In their relationship the capitalist should always 
be made safe first, for this reason, he is a public bene- 
factor, and many are dependent on his success for their 
support. He should have full and ample profits to in- 
sure him against failure, and still a surplus to enable 
him to increase his stock in capital; For, with the in- 
crease, he is enabled to give more extensive employment 
to idle labor. The balance, after this, is to be divided 
between the skilled and unskilled laborers, each to re- 
ceive according to the relative prices of their labor. 

They should think wisely over these matters before 
they attempt to obstruct or to intimidate the capitalist 
in order that he may surrender a greater amount of the 
profits of the establishment; for these reasons: First, 
the establishment has become, by the very force of cir- 
cumstances, a commonalty to every one of the operators, 
and to injure it the operatives injure themselves. Just 
as a man would by sinking his captain's ship in mid- 
ocean, he would also sink with it ; and if, by chance, he 
floated to land on some of the wreck, no one would ever 
after hire or trust him as a sailor. 

Neither will capitalists hire old strikers, who are eter- 
nally arraying capital and labor against each other. The 
same holds good in relation to unjust capitalists; good 
workmen will leave them and seek the employ of more 
generous capitalists, for honest competition will regulate 
all these things. But where there is an honest under- 
standing as to the proper division of the profits of the 
manufactory, after the capitalist has laid aside the 
amount necessary to continue and enlarge the business, 



272 APrENDix. 



for in this first matter every employe is equally inter- 
ested, it is bis own business that is thereby made more 
permanent. But it is the surplus I am speaking of. I 
say, when they differ and can not arrive at a conclusion, 
they should appoint one or two of the ablest among 
themselves to confer with their employer, to see if the 
employes are receiving as much in wages as the estab- 
ment can afford, after making the above allowances; 
and, if so, the men are to work in peace, or else leave in 
peace. 

But if, after the men find that their employer is giving 
them just wages, and they still menace him and his busi- 
ness, he has a right to call for the protection of the cor- 
porate authorities, their acts to be considered misde- 
meanors, and themselves amenable to the law. For, if 
the avenues of trade are unobstructed, competition i. j 
free ; there can be no necessity for strikes, for all men arc 
free to find employment wherever they can. Strikes 
are attempts at coercion, and coercion leads to piracy. 
If all men would see it in this light there would be no 
strikes. Strikes are very injurious to the morals of so- 
ciety, as well as a curse to commerce; not only checking 
productive labor in the manufactories, but often obstruct- 
ing the very avenues of commerce, embittering men 
against each other; therefore, all good men should dis- 
countenance them. But the question arises, Has the 
government a right to interfere in private disputes like 
these? Certainly it has, for it arrests the productions of 
the manufactories, and, just in so far, is an injury to 
commerce. They then cease to be private, and are at- 
tempts at coercion. The one upon whom coercion is 
attempted has a right to the protection of government. 



APPENDIX. 



But there is a better way than this, not only to settle 
disputes already in existence, but to prevent them, as 
follows : 

COURT OF THE TRADES AND CAPITALISTS. 

In all manufacturing cities or communities there 
should be a court established to hear and decide all com- 
plaints, either of the employes or employers, one against 
the other. This court should be composed of members 
elected one-half by the mechanics, the other half by the 
capitalists, as jurors. These to form a court of arbitra- 
tion when required. In addition, there should be an- 
other court as a court of appeal, of three judges, one 
mechanic, one capatilist, and one to represent common 
labor. These judges, two of them to be elected, each by 
the order they represent. The mechanic to be elected 
by the mechanics, and to be a mechanic ; the second 
judge to be chosen by the capitalists, and to be a capi- 
talist in fact ; the third judge to be chosen by the first 
two judges from among the most intelligent of the work- 
ing classes, or a practical merchant, uninterested. This 
last judge to bold the casting vote in case of disagree- 
ment. 

The above, to be entirely independent of all state au- 
thority, to be a mutual agreement of those interested. 
In this order of compromise the first eight would form a 
court for themselves, and if they agreed the matter 
would rest there. The court of three judges would be a 
court of appeal, and final in all matters of disagreement 
of capitalists and their employes in all disputes relative 
to either's interest. But no case could enter this court 
but by disagreement of the first eight arbitrators. By 



274 APPENDIX. 



this sort of an arrangement, peace, harmony, and justice 
could be secured without disturbing the peace as well as 
the commerce of the country. For it is evident that 
the true interests of both parties are mutual, and 'are 
only disturbed by false ideas which grow out of a want 
of understanding the mutualities of capital and labor. 
The governing idea, or rule of judgment with these two 
courts would be to divide the enhanced value that is 
created by labor out of the original capital which be- 
longed to the capitalist, always counting, first, the value 
of the original stock and cost of machinery, with all 
other costs of maintaining the manufactory. The sur- 
plus to be divided justly between the capitalist and his 
employes; always allowing the capitalist a sufficiency to 
enlarge his busi ness ; for thereby he is enabled to give per- 
manency to his business, and an assurance of permanent 
employment to his employes. The balance to be divided 
between the employes according to the regulated relative 
value of each trade to common labor— common labor to 
be the standard of value. These courts to assemble once a 
year (or oftener if circumstances require it) in the United 
States to deliberate on general matters, in order to form 
a schedule of prices for the time ; that is, a scale of rates 
and rules for the coming year. The above courts of ar- 
bitrators to be composed, always, of representatives of 
each interest involved, with a capitalist, a mechanic, and 
a merchant as presiding officers or judges. 

This general conference would only assemble once a 
year, while those in the cities would be subject to a call 
at any time circumstances might require them, in order 
to settle minor matters in their own particular locality, 
reserving all great matters for the general conference. 
By this means justice would be done to both capital and 



APPENDIX. 275 



labor; and all being assured of this, it would create a 
confidence which is now sadly wanting. It would end 
the unhealthy fluctuations of commerce, and, in a meas- 
ure, would tend to equalize wealth and remove abject 
poverty, the mother of ignorance and vice, an enemy of 
true republicanism. It would forever end that savage 
idea of the bloody communist, and crush forever the 
barbaric idea of establishing Mongol nomadism in 
America. 

Then could be brought about the grand idea advanced 
in chapter one, on page one hundred and one, second 
part of this book, namely : To leave all men free to fol- 
low the bent of their own ambition ; to gain all the 
wealth they can, then tax all wealth in the same ratio per 
dollar, out of which the expense of the government is to be 
paid, and a balance to be applied to the re-elevation of 
the poor — to again give them a chance — thus return- 
ing to them a moiety or fraction of the wealth they 
helped to earn. Thus helping them, so that they can 
educate their children, and by this means drive vice and 
crime from our land, making life thrice more -desirable 
by the better civilization that would follow ; and achieve 
in a just and legitimate way, what the communists are 
striving to, but never can gain in an illegitimate and 
barbarous way. 

Light and intelligence are wanted, which can only be 
had by a better education, and this can only be had 
when our legislature is of a higher order, especially in 
social and political ethics, which is the object of this 
book. And he who reconciles capital and labor in this 
nineteenth century will be one of man's greatest bene- 
factors. And here I would suggest to the capitalist, as 
he is most able to extend a charity, and besides, the idea 



276 APPENDIX. 



that has gotten into the laboring classes, both skilled 
and unskilled, that capital seeks to enslave labor, there- 
fore the capitalist should be the first to propose these 
conventions, and to assure all the laboring classes of 
their good-will and honest intentions, for surely their 
own best interests consist in the welfare of the laboring 
community. Let there always be an open chance for 
labor to consult with capital, and there will be a mutual 
confidence between them. 

The idea of the aristocracy of capital over labor, is 
what engenders the hatred between them. In this, the 
capitalist is in fault. To the capitalist I would say: If 
you wish our republic to live in its highest possible pu- 
rity, then honor labor, and thereby you will crush vice 
and dishonesty, and create a pure moral atmosphere for 
yourselves and family to live in. Do not let yourselves 
feel too stiff to bow in courtesy to those who earn for 
you all your wealth, for most assuredly you will find 
them too sensitive not to scorn the insult, and you will 
only gain their hate. Capital and labor can never be 
reconciled with this idea dominating, when men know 
that every stroke they strike is to place a proud tyrant 
over them, who will use the wealth they earn to their 
humiliation. In their labor they will strike lightly and 
slowly, and not care whether you succeed or not. You 
must make them feel that your interests and theirs are 
one, that you are one of themselves; that the business 
is a sort of co-partnership, which is really the case. All 
these things you must forego when you propose the con- 
vention I mentioned. Meet upon the plane of common 
justice, and do unto others as you would they should do 
unto you, and you will meet with success. Where there is 
a perfect confidence between capital and labor, the 



AFPENDIX. 277 



laborer will approach his employer (if he thinks he is 
not getting what his labor deserves), and if the em- 
ployer will drop his aristocratic mein and show a will- 
ingness to do what is right, nine times out of ten there 
will be a mutual understanding, and if not, the employe 
will leave in peace to seek better pay elsewhere ; for, as 
a general thing, competition will regulate all differences 
in rates of wages as well as the prices of ])roducts. Men 
will undersell each other as long as they can make a 
profit thereby, and overbid each other for labor. So, 
too, will labor compete with labor when the demand 
therefor is slack. Therefore, all that can be done is to 
leave the way open to fair competition, and all will find 
their proper level. This can not be avoided in a repub- 
lic, and the fact is, it constitutes the republic, for the eth- 
ics of commerce is the true spirit of republicanism; and 
it lives in its purity wherever it exists, even in the most 
absolute monarchies, for it is the law of eternal justice. 
My advice to all employes is, never enter a combina- 
tion in a strike with the intention to coerce your em- 
ployer, for in principle it lacks but little of an attempt 
at piracy. Either act as a separate individual, as above 
directed, or through your court of compromise, as above 
described. 

ANARCHY* OR THE UNDERCURRENT OF GOVERNMENT. 

ORDER IN SEEMING DISORDER. 

Anarchy is resolved into systematic order by the 
unanimity of the primary principles of want and self- 
good. Like the bees, society seems to swarm through 

Note.— Anarchy is the A in political science, the base from -which all 
the science springs. It is perfectly analogous to matter in its chaotic 
state— the attribute of each particle never forsakes it either in its chaotic 
or organic state— the same is true of all individual men either in anarchy 
or organized society. The bases of all law and ethics commence here. 



278 APPENDIX. 



the avenues of their daily avocations and commerce. 
On the streets of the crowded city, they move in zig-zag 
directions, now to this angle, then to that, to avoid con- 
tact with each other. They move with impetuosity, 
each actuated by his Own want, and governed by his 
own desires. Perfect confusion and anarchy seem to 
prevail. But the divine principle of etiquette and cour- 
tesy being naturally implanted in all, each one's self- 
good depending on his fellows, therefore his greatest 
good is the social good, which forces all .this heteroge- 
nous turmoil into a complexity which is recognized as 
the basis of civilization, or the element which binds the 
two orders of government into one. The laws of eti- 
quette and courtesy are those that govern this under- 
current and determine the moral status of the people, 
which again determines the genius of their general gov- 
ernment. So we see that, in a perfect republic, all the 
undercurrent of society is embraced w r ithin this hetero- 
geneous mass of individuality, and belongs to the indi- 
vidual phase of government, or is the neutral line be- 
tween them. This is strictly called anarchy, and precedes 
conventional and social government. Therefore, the 
social government will depend for its character and 
moral status upon that of the people in general, for out 
of the first the second is created. No government can 
exist without this precedes it, and the character of this 
element determines the character of the conventional 
government. They both exist at all times in all na- 
tions. "It is the undercurrent ruled by popular senti- 
ment— etiquette and courtesy." Thus, w 7 hen the con- 
ventional government is overthrown, this still remains; 
it can never be destroyed; "it is true anarchy'" — pre- 
cedes all conventional governments — lives at all times 



APPENDIX. 279 



in all nations, and survives all revolutions, and is ready 
to again germinate into a conventional government. 
The quality of this anarchy determines the quality of 
the government that grows out of it, and the quality of 
anarchy is determined by the means used to educate it. 
Where badly educated it is barbarous, and the govern- 
ment that grows out of it is a tyranny ; but where highly 
educated it is capable of self government, and generates 
a perfect republic as its representative ; as in the United 
St ites, where the highest social order attains without 
any visible force, each individual being governed by the 
highest idea of social and commercial courtesy, the 
basis of true national friendship and guarantee against 
sedition and sectional rancor. But, if this undercurrent 
is more highly civilized than the government, there will 
be revolutions until the government is made to be a per- 
fect reflex of the agitated undercurrent. All reforms, 
agitations, and revolutions have their source in this un- 
dercurrent, and as its grade is, so will be its aims and 
aspirations. 

And, to avoid convulsions and strifes between this un- 
dercurrent and the government, it is the duty of the 
statesman to inform himself thoroughly in the science 
and arts of government, so as not to infringe on the per- 
sonal rights of this undercurrent of humanity, for they 
are a law unto themselves. And, as the future states- 
men must come from this mass, there is nothing of so 
much importance as the thorough education of the 
masses in the science of statesmanship, for it meets them 
in all their relations, not only with their fellow men, but 
with universal nature and themselves, their own bodies, 
lives and minds, both now and forever. This is a mat- 
ter that in all times past has been neglected : the 



280 APPENDIX. 



masses leave it to the educated statesmen, and they mo- 
nopolize it, turn demagogue, and betray and sell the 
people. The people are too ill-informed to remedy the 
matter, therefore they work and groan in poverty and 
despair. There is no hope for this but through a general 
and vigorous education of the masses in political science. 
But the masses are too poor to purchase books of this 
kind, therefore the capitalist should furnish their em- 
ployes with books. It is his best interest to do so, for 
by so doing the masses will become better informed, be 
capable of doing better service, and be more trustworthy. 
It would generate a higher and purer civilization, in 
which all men's persons and property would be more 
safe. This being the case, it is not only good policy, 
but it becomes a duty of the capitalist to his employes. 

ISTo crime, misdemeanor or offense of any kind what- 
ever, against any person, can take place in -this depart- 
ment, for the very act throws it out into the social and 
conventional department, therefore nihilism and com- 
munism can not exist in a state of anarchy (they being 
revolutionists). The most perfect anarchist is the true 
hermit, the next is the heterogeneous mixture of the in- 
dividuals, yet, each being free as the hermit, being non- 
committal in their actions. This is anarchy. 

The reason I make this statement is, to show that all 
reforms must commence and take place in this depart- 
ment—and not in the legislative— for a reform of any 
kind must take place with the individual, through his 
individual mind by reason and persuasion, not by force. 

The preacher, lecturer, and political stump speaker, 
all repair to this department in order to make and catch, 
converts, the same as do the fishers go to the common 



APPENDIX. 281 



seas, each to catch fish to suit himself — the right of prose- 
lyting by reason and persuasion exists only here. 
Therefore no legislative act can reach or penetrate this 
department, either by right or. force, for the very act 
throws it out into the social and conventional, and is an 
act of tyranny ; therefore a crime. 

The department of anarchy is as impenetrable to the' 
state as is the chamber of death to life. They can' never 
be merged in one, for anarchy is one, and the state is 
two; that is, anarchy is the singular, the state the plu- 
ral, therefore conventional. Therefore, all things in this 
department are free from the powers of legislation, for 
herein all men are as free as the gods to choose either 
good or evil, and here is the only sphere of his reformation 
— herein the reformer must become a fisher for men. 
_ In conclusion, I will say that I have now given for the 
third time the order of nature's classification into spheres 
of right. I have described them in order, so that the 
statesman might not err in enacting laws contrary to 
what nature dictates; also, that the judge and jury may 
judge wisely and justly all cases that mayfall to them to 
decide. Even should the statesman err, the judge and jury 
need not err, they being versed in nature's classification 
of rights ; therefore the unrighteous law will not be exe- 
cuted by them. I will requote them : 

First. The universal involuntary department, the basis 
of all things, which is inexorable and unchangeable — 
this embraces the first phase of government. 

Second. The individual sphere, having its base in the 
first as a part thereof; also, the relationship that exists 
between them ; this is called the relative sphere of the 
creature to the Creator. 



282 APPENDIX. 



Third. The independent sphere of the creature to the 
Creator, establishing his separate personality — in this 
sphere man has the choice of good and evil, also the per- 
fect control of his own person ; this is the sphere I have 
described as the sphere of anarchy — because man here is 
responsible to himself alone — free from both gods and 
mew, amenable alone to the inexorable laws of nature, for 
whatever he sows he himself will reap. 

Fourth. The relative sphere of the individual to the in- 
dividual ; this is the legislative sphere, the sphere of the 
state — the commercial world — wherein. all men meet as 
social beings. 

Fifth. The independent, or relatively independent 
sphere of the social to the social, embracing all minor 
corporations independent of each other in the state, yet 
independent of the state as corporations, while the state 
is forced to protect and guarantee to each its independ- 
ence both of itself, the state, and all other corporations, 
the same as those in anarchy — the state is the keeper of 
peace between them all. 

The church and all organized societies are in this 
sphere. So we see that all the relations that exist in 
organized society have their base in universal nature. 
By their classification we obtain our first ideas of justice, 
and can trace the first inklings of ethics, and what one 
citizen expects from another — the rule of right being 
laid in the eternal fitness of things, which can never be 
found or known, but by such a classification as 1 have 
given. 

CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. 

The object of constitutional government is to secure 






APPENDIX. 283 



all against undue oppression, by having the sphere and 
purpose of the government marked out and agreed upon, 
so that all may know what is expected of each as a 
citizen. Also, the mode of engineering the government 
as well as disbursing its funds, in all, the sphere and ex- 
tent of the government, is thoroughly defined, with the 
power and extent of each office. 

The rule, as a general thing, is that' the majority shall 
rule, and the minority acquiesce therein ; that is, in all 
things that have a complexity. Yet there are many 
things that, by nature, can never become complex, such 
as the liberty of thought and mind, with the right of 
control of each one's cor])oralities, the right of action, as 
dictated by each person's own mind, so as not to conflict 
with the similar rights of others. To all, their natural 
rights are guaranteed by this constitution. 

Although the majority shall rule in matters that per- 
tain to the legislative or social; yet in religious matters 
it has not even the right of inquiry, much less the right 
of coercion — even if but one in the whole nation should 
differ from the rest — for religion and all operations of the 
mind are strictly private. The same is true of food and 
drink. Eeligious as well as sumptuary matters are not 
conventional; and when a legislature presumes to enact 
laws of that kind, it departs from its legitimate sphere, 
and the citizens are not bound to obey such laws ; but it 
is their moral dutyto resist them, as encroachments upon 
their individual rights, laying the foundation for future 
tyranny by a set of bigoted religious hypocrites or politi- 
cal knaves. 

If man is capable of self-government, then why hem 
him in, and not trust him to exercise his capacities? 



284 APPENDIX. 



His religions sentiments are between himself and God. 
If God can not make him religious by the influence of 
his Spirit, then what can 3*011 do by legislating him into 
your churches, or into the favor of God, when the faggot, 
sword, thumb-screw, and rack have failed you in mon- 
archical Europe? 

Do you think republican America will allow you to 
dictate to her what we shall eat or drink, and how to 
keep the Sabbath holy, or whether we shall keep it at all 
or not ? (A true Sabbath is a free day from all others' 
restraint or claims of service — free from all but nature.) 
The American government is the government of man, 
made by man for man. And only when he violates the 
social laws is he amenable to society. The religious and 
sumptuary matters are in no way conventional, and can 
not, by any possibility, be made so. All attempts to do 
so are acts of tyranny, and should be resisted. The per- 
petrators should be treated with the utmost scorn. 

There are millions of people in the United States who 
do not believe in Christianity, or in the Sabbath as in 
any way more holy or divine than other days; yet they 
keep it after their own notion, and allow all others the 
same privilege. They never in the least molest those 
who attend church. They certainly have a right to de- 
mand of the churches the same privilege of keeping the 
day to suit themselves, so long as they do not infringe 
on others thereby. There is much mischief in this kind 
of legislation. It is time that our statesmen should un-. 
derstand what is proper and and what is not proper in 
legislation. 

It is time that this matter should be settled forever. 
It can only be settled by a clause in our constitution ; 



APPENDIX. 285 



that is, by abrogating all Sunday laws, as well as 
all sumptuary laws Then enact a clause in the consti- 
tution : 

First : That all citizens are legally bound, on Sundays 
as on all other d:\ys, by their contracts with other per- 
sons, and that no act that is lawful on one day shall be 
unlawful on other days. 

Second : That the state knows no difference of days, 
either of Sundays or other peculiar days. 

Third : That all persons or societies wishing to keep 
any day or days as sacred shall be protected therein by 
the authorities, and the molestor or molestors of such 
persons or societies shall be amenable to law as violators 
of the public peace. 

Fourth : That there shall never be any act passed by 
the legislature in favor of any religious movement; but 
that all religious societies shall be protected, irrespective 
of their creeds. 

Fifth : That the public shall not, in any way, be re- 
strained from using their full liberty in all their personal 
rights. Because some few violate or abuse them, the 
violators only shall be restrained, the rest of the com- 
munity still to be free in the exercise of their rights, so 
long as they prove that they can govern themselves. 
The wrong-doer is the only one to be restrained. 

TEMPERANCE REFORM. 

Sixth : As the government has no right to enact sump- 
tuary laws, yet it is the interest of the community to 
encourage temperance ; therefore, there should be an 
act passed prohibiting the issuing of license to marry 
to any one who is not strictly temperate in his habits. 



286 APPENDIX. 



Seventh : Also, that drunkenness shall be considered 
ample cause for divorce. That intemperance shall dis- 
qualify any one to hold any office of trust. So far, per- 
haps, it would be wise and just for the government to 
use its influence. 

Eighth : That all men or women, whose conduct en- 
dangers the peace of society, shall, on conviction thereof, 
be imprisoned in a common workhouse and work (being 
treated humanely) each to receive moderate wages for 
their labor, to be delivered to their agents, or to them- 
selves when dismissed, or, if married, .the wife to draw 
the wages, but if single and having no agent, then the 
wages to be reserved for the convict when reformed and 
released. By the above means all citizens will be left 
free to act as their own minds and tastes may dictate, 
so long as they themselves show that they are capable 
of self-government. Fanaticism and egotism will be 
properly restrained by the above, and harmony, justice, 
and good-will be encouraged. 

There is a matter of social ethics I had almost for- 
gotten — a double demand — first by the individual, sec- 
ond by the public. 

First, by the individual employe of his employer, to 
secure him from all possible damage in consequence of 
injuries of person received while in his employ. 

Second, the public also have a right to demand of all 
manufacturers the assurance that none of their employes 
shall, in consequence of injuries received while in their 
employ, become in any way thereby a burden to the 
community. 

The justice of this demand grows out of this consid- 
eration : First, the manufacturer is the only one who 



APPENDIX. 287 



directly receives the profit of the labors done ; therefore, 
when he has received the profits of ten or fifteen years' 
work, and the employe becomes crippled in his employ, 
he should thereafter support the cripple and not suffer 
him to become a burden thereafter to the public. 

The state, by its legislature, should pass an act requir- 
ing all firms or individuals going into any mode of 
manufacture wherein any persons are employed, to give 
security against any of their employes ever becoming a 
burden to the state in consequence of injuries received 
while in their employ. 

The state should require a regular insurance of all 
employes by their employers, or other ample security. 

Even in framing constitutions they must be in exact 
accord with the constitution of universal nature. The 
rule to govern all acts of both the legislature of the gen- 
eral government as well as the individual states, should 
be that each in its individual capacity is free from all 
others' control. That, where there is neither a duplex 
nor complex interest, there can be no right of legisla- 
tion, and all acts outside of this sphere are null and void 
(that is, unconstitutional), that even the constitution 
must be judged by this principle, also. That no ma- 
jority have a right to enactor adopt such a constitution. 
But that the minor corporations are positively independ- 
ent in all things that pertain to their separate individu- 
alities, each having the right to regulate their own 
affairs after their own good will and judgment. That 
all acts of corporate authority, from the lowest mu- 
nicipality to that of the general government of the Uni- 
ted States, must be strictly in accord with the relative 
nature of the matters or things affected by the act; if 



288 APPENDIX. 



not, then the act to be null and void, or unconstitutional. 
The rule to be observed in judging the validity of these 
matters is, nature's universal classification of rights, the 
basis of true ethics — beginning with the individual and 
rising as we combine them into corporations, always the 
standard of right arising from the individual (the first 
base of rights). The individual rights of either a single 
person or corporation must, in no case, be infringed 
upon. The rule of right is always found by first observ- 
ing the individual rights, then tracing them upward 
through all their combinations, and never downward, for 
no right of authority can ever descend beneath the or- 
ganization of the corporation that issues it. Thus the 
United States, as a government, has no authority but in 
interstate and international matters. The rule holds 
good both ways, that is, no corporation can ascend above, 
nor descend beneath its organization. 

Thus the Federal government can not intervene in 
state matters where no two states are interested, and 
where they are, she has no right until called upon by 
one of the states in dispute. After the same manner the 
state has no right with county affairs, the county with 
the townships, the townships with single individual 
affairs. Thus we see how many removes the general 
government stands from the individual. First, the 
township stands between the state of anarchy or the in- 
dependent individuality of man and the county, the 
county between the township and the state, the state 
between the county and the federal or national govern- 
ment. We see by this that all authority originally has 
its base in anarchy where man is perfectly free, from 
whence all authority comes and all organizations spring. 



APPENDIX. 289 



This rule holds good not only in human society but in 
each of the three kingdoms of nature, namely, the min- 
eral, the vegetable and animal kingdoms ; all depend for 
their existence on their primary individual particles. 
The municipal or municipality is a licensed or chartered 
community; her rights as a municipality are the same as 
all other individualities. The general rule is that all in- 
dividualities both corporate as well as incorporate have 
the indisputable right to regulate and engineer their 
own affairs. 1 would not have elaborated this matter to 
such an extent were it not for the growing tendencies of 
the central power to encroach upon the minor corpora- 
tions and through them upon the individual rights, the 
individuals yielding them bit by bit, unconscious of the 
fact that they thereby are building up a central power 
which will rob them of all their rights and liberties with 
the power descending from the throne to the people, and 
not arising from them as is their divine right. Therefore, 
let this ever be their watchword — "Eternal vigilance is 
the price of liberty." 

I have now finished my reflections on what constitutes 
government, with my ideas of social and political ethics. 
I have tried to make it so plain that all may understand 
the matter, and gain somewhat of a correct idea of their 
own true relations to the physical, as well as social world. 
(For the physical, see book called Senff' s Lectures.) If 
I add any more to this book, it will be entirely on inter- 
national matters, with, perhaps, a work already written 
on universal nature, her ultimates as well as her mi- 
nutiae — a porfect key to the mysteries of man's nature 
and the Bible — called Senff' s Lectures on the Constitu- 
tional Nature of the Universe and Man. 



290 APPENDIX. 



But before we entirely dismiss the matter of the social 
and internal government to speak of foreign relations, we 
would offer a few reflections on a certain growing evil 
throughout the whole nation. I mean that which is em- 
bodied in the common declaration of "To the victors 
belong the spoils." This declaration certainly is not 
republican in its aims or sentiments, it is the watchword 
of the robber and pirate, implying "a prize," " a booty" 
to the victors. In American politics, it has a wonder- 
ful corrupting influence, it draws to the victorious party 
the most unscrupulously dishonest men- in the nation. 
They look upon the revenues as a prize won by them- 
selves from the opposite party, and that party as having 
lost all political rights. To describe its corrupting in- 
fluence would be useless, for all the people are only too 
familiar therewith ; but its cure is what the people want. 

To cure this the president when elected should not 
consider himself the president of the party only who 
elected him, but the president of the whole nation ; and 
he should prove this by distributing the offices irrespect- 
ive of either party; talent and virtue to be the only 
qualification to govern his choice. There should be a 
change in the constitution to this effect, although prop- 
erly nominated and duly elected as president of the 
United States, yet, if it were proved that he in anyway 
secured his nomination or election by promises of re- 
wards of office to any one beforehand, it should disqual- 
ify him from holding the office, as not sufficiently vir- 
tuous to fill such a sacred trust from the people. 

The above would purify our political atmosphere, it 
would end the strife and rancor of the parties against 
each other. As it is now, it is only for the spoils they 



APPENDIX. 291 



are striving, but with the new order the office would 
seek the man. The president then would divide the 
offices between the parties. True merit would then be 
the proper qualification to govern his choice, all to be 
irrespective of part}'. The object of organizing govern- 
ment is not merely to afford office to the unscrupulous, 
but that the most gigantic intellects shall engineer and 
pioneer the nation's complex interests. " Wisdom shall 
rule" is the eternal watchword of republicanism. The 
ignorant have no claims to pioneer and engineer govern- 
mental affairs. Nature makes her own statesmen ; it is 
the nation's duty to seek them out ; no one has a right to 
office if nature has not qualified him therefor; no office 
should ever be given as a reward to politicians as elec- 
tioneerers, and the giving of the gift should be considered 
apolitical crime. From the above view there has not 
sat in the presidental chair of the American republic a 
true republican statesman since the fifth president. 
Since then they have dealt out the offices to their favor- 
ite party on the principle of " To the victors belong the 
spoils," thereby inaugurating the shameless pratice of 
bu} T ing and selling offices, even glorying in this shame 
as the basis of their power, thereby forcing the politi- 
cally corrupt to bow and lick the dust off their heels for 
the sake of office, thereby introducing into offices of 
trust unscrupulous men, thieves, robbers and defaulters, 
thereby prostituting the fair fame of republican Amer- 
ica, while true statesmen hide their faces in shame. 
The god of justice has forsaken our courts, and the 
goddess of libert} T spreads her wings preparatory to say 
" Good-bye America, thou art no longer worthy of me." 
Yes, the presidency has become the abomination of 



292 APPENDIX. 



abominations of corruption, corrupting all society who 
are willing to bow thereto. To remedy this, all candi- 
dates for the presidency should, when nominated, pledge 
themselves if elected to act strictly as president of the 
American people and not of the party who elected them. 
When this is once strictly required by the people there 
will be fewer aspirants for that office than there are 
now, and no rancor or acrimony between the parties. 

THE PRESENT AND FUTURE POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

I have repeatedly spoken of what should be the for- 
eign policy of the United States. Its present policy 
should be dictated by the possible future of the differ- 
ent nations of the earth. Their genius and peculiarities 
should all be considered, and our policy should be de- 
duced therefrom. It embraces such immensity that none 
but nature's best statesmen can span its circle. How- 
ever, I will try to picture it as best I can. 

As the United States are, or pretend to be, a perfect 
republic — the champion of republicanism among the 
nations — naturally assuming the protectorate of the 
weaker nations, at least those of the two Americas, 
North and South, her first interest is to look well 
to her own immediate surroundings, the very first 
of which should be to invite Mexico to join in a conven- 
tion preparatory to merging the two nationalities into 
one, both national debts to become one national debt ; 
each of the Mexican States to retain their old constitu- 
tions, or alter them to suit themselves. After Mexico 
and the United States have absorbed each other, then 
they should invite the other American nations and states 
to meet them in convention in order to establish a per- 



APPENDIX. 293 

mauent court of arbitration by which all American in- 
ternational matters, hereafter, shall be settled without 
the resort to force of arms. The City of Mexico, in 
consideration of her position and climate, being now a 
city of the great republic, would become the interna- 
tional capital of the congress of American arbitrators; 
this congress to be on the exact principle of the one de- 
scribed as the commercial congress of the world, onlj- 
this is exclusively American. In reality it is the nucleus 
of the future grand national confederation of republics, 
advocating peace by compromise — the signal of the 
commencement of the reign of universal peace. 

It the United States sees proper to follow this policy 
she will be successful, and all the nations will finally join 
in this mode of compromise, and Mexico become the 
.great peace capital of the world. But refuse this, and 
the nations are forced to the opposite alternative, namely: 
To achieve an universal peace by force of arms ; for one 
of the two must finally come to pass. 

The world of mankind have been tr} T ing for the last 
four thousand years to establish an universal peace by 
force of arms. Each nation wishing to become the con- 
troller of the rest, and not admitting them as equals. 
Consequently, antagonism and war for the supremacy 
have prevailed to the ruin of thousands of millions of 
human beings. Egypt, with her Sesostris and Pharaohs, 
deluged the world in blood for this purpose. Babylon, 
or Chaldea, Persia, Greece, Carthage, Eome, Arabia, 
with the Saracens — Zhenghis Kahn, Tammerlane, Baga- 
zet — and Attila, the Hun, all have tried the same plan 
of establishing universal peace by conquest and failed ; 
not only failed in their object, but actually ruined them- 



294 APPENDIX. 



selves. The theory was, if some nation should finally 
become overwhelmingly great, she could dictate peace 
by force of arms. 

I said the world had tried this plan for the last four 
thousand years without success. All their plans were 
founded in injustice of nation to nation. The true policy 
of a nation, when she incorporates a foreign community, 
is to apply all the means possible in bettering the condi- 
tions of those in the new acquisition, so that they will feel 
themselves bettered by their new relations. But if their 
conditions are worsted, they will rebel the first opportu- 
nity that offers success. First throw railroads all through 
the conquered country. This will answer two purposes : 
First, it will better the condition of the people by fa- 
cilitating commerce. Improve their conditions to the 
utmost possibility, and by the improved conditions you 
will be more able to support and defend them in case of 
need. Then, by all means, introduce the governmental 
language by discouraging the antagonistic language. 
All nations have failed by treating the conquered as un- 
equals. It is much better to annex by purchase or com- 
promise. 

The United States will, in less than twenty five years, 
annex all North America by this plan. She will throw 
hundreds of thousands of miles of railroads throughout 
North America. Every city will be bound by bands of 
steel in a common union ; with free trade prevailing ; all 
having one common interest, that is, to maintain this 
union in which their highest possible good consists. She 
will be omnipotent, and can dictate peace to the world, 
either by compromise or by force. 

There are but two powers in the world who have any 



APPENDIX. 295 



chance in the future to dictate peace by force, namely 
Eussia and the United States. Germany, France, Italy, 
Spain, Austria nor even England have a chance ; they 
are all too circumscribed in their territory and natural 
resources. The matter then is between Eussia and the 
United States, but Eussia will never succeed in the 
mutter of universal empire on account of her forcing- 
antagonistic elements into her organization, laying the 
foundation of her future dissolution. There is then but 
one power who has anything of a chance of dictating to 
the nations, that is America. 

The United States with her boundless territories and 
inconceivable resources, all lying in one body, with 
hundreds of thousands of miles of railroads, connecting 
all parts of this vast empire as do the nerves of the 
system with the brain , she can throw all her force to 
any point of her empire in the shortest possible time. 
With the use of her telegraphic system she can know in 
five minutes anything that transpires on the continent. 
And in less than one hundred years she will number 
her population by the hundreds of millions. With two 
or four hundred millions of people, such as her institu- 
tions will breed, educated to the highest possible point 
with corresponding resources developed, then, sir, if the 
sword is still to be the arbiter, what will any or all the 
powers of the world have to say in international affairs ? 
Nothing, positively nothing. 

The United States will then be positive and supreme 
in power, she will dictate to all the nations, she will seat 
on the thrones of all the Czars of the world whom she 
pleases. They must bow at her nod, for she is omnipo- 
tent, she will not allow any military preparations to be 



296 APPENDIX. 



indulged in by any nation but herself. She will con- 
trol all military power, thereby forcing all nations to 
keep the pence. But the Americans do not wish this they 
would rather that the peace of the world should be 
achieved by mutual consent and a court established to- 
preserve the peace of the world. 

One of these two plans certainly will be the future of the 
nations ; therefore, it is more statesmanlike in the rulers 
of the nations to meet in convention, there to abolish 
the military profession and give peace to the world. 

A world's coin and a world's language are two of the 
first things necessary after the nations are pacified. 
The American convention of nations should follow 
closely on the union of Mexico with the United States. 
To induce Mexico into this union, it should be the under- 
standing that on her high plains or plateaus should be 
built the great capital of the world, somewhere beneath 
the level of a higher lake of water, even if the lake were 
fifty miles away from the site of the city ; for if the lake 
were higher than the city it would save the expense of 
pumping the water. 

The question may be asked, May not the United 
States herself finally be dissolved and broken up, thereby 
destroying her gigantic world-controlling power? 
seeing that all other powers heretofore when they be- 
came immense in territory, became proportionately weak, 
broke up into many petty nationalities and thus ended 
their power. To answer this question we must take into 
consideration many things peculiar to the United States. 
First, the genius of her people. Second, the nature of 
her institutions and government. Third, her territorial 
peculiarities wherein lies her indestructibilty. First, the 



APPENDIX. 297 



genius of her people, or the people themselves. They 
are of the highest type of the human race, German- 
Anglo-Saxon, with all the other races compounded 
therewith, thereby producing a superior people to all 
other people that ever were, mentally and physically, 
their genius corresponding, being of the transcendent 
order, producing institutions corresponding therewith; 
ultimating in their government, the wonder and admi- 
ration of all mankind. It is equally as congenial to one 
race of men as to another. As the atmosphere is to all 
men's lungs, so is Americanism to all other men's minds, 
it leaves them free, and protects them in their liberties; 
it gives no cause for rebellion, therefore, is solid as the 
eternal rocks. Next is her territorial peculiarities 
She is divided by natural lines north and south into 
three natural divisions. First, east of the Allegheny moun- 
tains. Second, west of the Rocky mountains. Third, 
the Mississippi valley lying between. In this last divis- 
ion is contained the prophecy of her durability. The 
Mississippi valley is capable of sustaining a greater pop- 
ulation than any other region undivided on the face of 
the earth, and no two nations can ever occupy it at the 
same time, for this reason, who ever holds its mouth 
must hold it by the general consent of the millions of 
inhabitants of the upper Mississippies. 

So, whoever controls the Mississippi valley can and 
will control both east and west. Lying between these 
two sections they can not co-operate, and being so much 
more powerful than both, for the sake of the sea or the 
oceans, both east and west, she will always dictate to 
them, either by compromise or force. Thus we see that 
the seat of empire is in the Mississippi valley. When 



298 APPENDIX. 



there are three hundred millions of inhabitants in the 
United States, there will be two hundred millions in the 
Mississippi valley, with fifty millions east and fifty mill- 
ions west of the mountains. Thus we see that the future 
seat of power, predominating and dominating the world, 
will be in the Mississippi valley. She will never be shat- 
tered into petty nationalities. Her territorial peculiari- 
ties as well as the genius of her people forbid it. No! 
no ! ! forever she will rule "by the power of her might 
and the justice of her right." She will rule! And as 
she is the center of power, as well as of population, from 
her hundreds of millions of citizens she will send forth 
tens of thousands to occupy all the waste places in 
America. They will soon swarm through every part of 
Mexico, become permanent citizens thereof, carry their 
American inspirations with them, and, being in every 
respect in accord with the great valley and her people, 
they will unite their institutions into one ; there being 
no dissimilarity between them. For this reason, I say, 
the nations, foreseeing these things, would act wisely to 
meet in convention as heretofore proposed. After the 
union of Mexico and the United States they should meet 
at the City of Mexico, and there deliberate and generate 
an universal code for all people and nations, and choose 
and pick out the site of the great capital of the world, 
which should be somewhere in the high plainsof Mexico. 
I will here make a remark in relation to the enabling 
act so often urged in this book. Perhaps it would be 
more convenient to establish a bank for this purpose, 
which would have charge of all the funds appropriated 
by the government for enabling the poor to gain for 
themselves homesteads. They would pay a small inter- 



APPENDIX. 299 



est on the money loaned, just enough to pay the expense 
of bank officers. No money to be loaned but on the 
homesteads in question as security, and none to other 
parties not securing a homestead for themselves, for this 
would be the exclusive business of the bank for which it 
was created. If .Russia, Austria, Germany, and all the 
other military powers of Europe, would take one-fourth 
of their military appropriations, put it in bank, and use 
it in this way, and disband half of their soldiers, .Russia 
would not need to fear the Nihilists, nor France the 
Communists, or England the Land League. And if the 
whole world will do the same, they can dispense with their 
work-houses, poor-houses, penitentiaries, and gallows. 
These are the fruits that will follow the abolition of the 
military profession, and the creation of a congress of na- 
tions, with free trade and direct taxation. Then igno- 
rance, crime, poverty, and misery will be banished for- 
ever, and the glories of a perfect civilization, as I have 
described it, will follow as a natural result. 

INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION. 

The days are fast passing away when it was consid- 
ered that two nations who could not agree had the right 
to disturb the commerce of all the world ; to fight to the 
death without leave or license from the other nations. 
This is certainly false in principle and ruinous in effect. 
No more have two nations the right to disturb the peace 
of the world than have two individual citizens the right 
to disturb the peace of common society — they are con- 
sidered insane for the time, and are restrained by the 
community, for the interest both of themselves and the 
general public. So, too, are those two nations insane 



300 APPENDIX. 



for the time, and common humanity demands at the hands 
of those nations who are coolly looking on. to not only 
remonstrate, but actually force them to keep the peace. 
This, to be sure, implies the idea of a previous under- 
standing of the nations, and an established court of com- 
promise, where all disputes are harmonized, so that the 
nations can deliberate and act in concert ; otherwise they 
would take sides with the two belligerent nations, some 
on one side and some on the other, and a general war 
ensue. But if this court once exists, then the nations 
can deliberate and come to a conclusion, and that con- 
clusion be issued as an ultimatum to the belligerents. Yet 
I do not think that such a case would ever occur if once 
this court were established, for all would at all times be 
represented in that court, and their differences be ad- 
justed at the beginning; besides, they would be at all 
times utterlly unarmed. If these things be so, how im- 
portant it is for the United States to look well to these 
matters at the earliest possible time, for her commerce is 
increasing most wonderfully. Every nook and corner of 
the world is being infested with her trade. We are not 
a military power, but a commercial nation; hence our 
policy is peace, and this should decide our course as a 
nation. 

The true course of America is pointed out throughout 
this book; it is, peace if possible, and war only when 
unavoidable. Her true policy is, while she can, utterly 
to remove the cause of war; the course I propose is the 
right one. 

First: The merging of Mexico and the United States 
into one nationality. 

Second : The formation of an American commercial 



APPENDIX. 301 



confederation, with the City of Mexico, or one built on 
her plains, as the seat of the commercial congress of ar- 
bitrators. 

Third : This congress to be the nucleus of the future 
commercial congress of the world, as described in chap- 
ter fifteen, page 73, of this book ; also chapter sixteenth, 
page 78, and page 113, and note (d) on page 238, of this 
book. 

Fourth : Under the circumstances the City of Mexico 
would become the free city of the world, her munici- 
pality to be her own, controlled by herself as a munici- 
pality, while all matters pertaining to the nations in 
common to be controlled by the international congress. 

As I have now entirely closed this book, 1 now bid the 
reader a kind adieu. I have written this book, not only 
for the guidance of the future statesmen of America, 
but that the most ordinary citizens might gain a knowl- 
edge of the principles of government, thereby enabling 
them not onlj- to become better men, but also better citi- 
zens, knowing how to preserve our glorious institutions 
in their purity through all time. 

But, as a final adieu, I would beg and conjure most 
solemnly all who read this book to always demand of 
all candidates for the legislature, as well as those for 
congress, to pledge themselves to advocate the doctrine 
set forth in chapter one, on page 101 of this book. To 
use their utmost efforts to pass such an act, for on that 
depends the perpetuity of our government in its purity, 
as well as the saving of mankind from utter degradation. 
For by establishing such an order, all the glories I have 
described as the destiny of America will be achieved; 
but if such an act is not passed, then our republic will 



302 APPENDIX. 



die, and man will retrograde into beastly barbarism, ig- 
norance, tyranny, bloodshed, and misery untold. This 
will be for our children in the future of -America. Its 
destiny is still within our control. How solemn, sacred, 
and serious this matter becomes when we look at it as 
it really is. America is in her transitional state at this 
time, and we hold her destiny in our hands. We can 
make of her a future paradisaical republic, or a detestable 
tyranny — a perfect reflex of hell on earth. Therefore, 
we should never forget our love for our kind — laying 
the foundation for their future good, as did our ancestors 
for us, for this is our own greatest good that we do all 
the good to others we can, that we may enjoy their 
good with them both here and hereafter — So help us 
God! 



APPENDIX, 1890. 



NOTICE TO THE READER. 

This is the third addition to the Statesman's Guide since 
first it was printed in 1870. The first addition commences 
at page 220, and ends at page 252, and was written in 1871. 
Second addition commences at page 253, and ends at page 
302; was written in the year 1882. This third addition 
commences at page 303, and ends the book ; it was written 
in part in 1887, and closed January 1, 1889. The first 
part of the book was written in the year 1868 and printed 
in 1870. 

- This book has been much plagiarized, therefore these 
dates are mentioned, as will appear in the directory at close 
of the book. 

THE PRESENT AND FUTURE POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

It is recorded on page 294, that the United States would, 
in less than twenty-five years, annex all North America. 
This being her determined policy as well as her evident 
destiny, she should announce the same to all the nations of 
the world, and a special notice to England and Spain in re- 
lation to Canada and Cuba. She should notify these pow- 
ers that the United States had resolved on the annexation 
of these two countries, yet were willing, in a commercial 
treaty, to pay for any properties they might have in these 
countries which they had a clear right to independent of the 
people of these countries ; but if either of them refuses to 

(303) 



304 APPENDIX. 



treat therefor, or give a quitclaim of sovereignty of these 
countries, then the United States, with the consent of the 
people of these countries, will assume sovereign control of 
them, if necessary, by force of arms. This the United States 
is forced to do as a choice between two evils, for the longer 
she waits the more desperate will be the struggle for acqui- 
sition. 

These two powers, the one on the north, the other on the- 
south, are a continual menace to America and her com- 
merce, as they form nuclei from which these nations can 
operate against us ; also, they check our network of com- 
mercial avenues now forming ; therefore, the forecast of a 
true statesman would see the necessity of at once ending 
all foreign control of these countries ; by treaty, if possi- 
ble, but if not, then by war. And after this she should 
especially invite the attention of the American nations to 
the absolute necessity of building an international four- 
double-tracked railway, both to facilitate international com- 
merce and mutual protection. 

Its uses : The cause which calls for its construction will 
be treated of in detail- hereafter, as well as how the means 
to build the roads are to be gotten and the mode of its man- 
agement. 

The above road is to be four-double-tracked; two for 
freight and two for passengers, so that no two trains will 
run in opposite directions on the same track at the same 
time ; thereby the roads will be capable of more than five 
times the amount of service they would be capable of if 
trains ran on them in opposite directions ; or, will be equal 
to ten single tracks of freight and ten of passengers, with 
absolute safety to both freight and passengers. 

The above roads, their northern termini will be at the 



APPENDIX. 305 



most capacious port on our lakes, either Chicago or Mil- 
waukee, or both, while the southern terminus will be at 
Buenos Ayres, in the Argentine Republic. The roads to 
run in the most direct route possible from Chicago to the 
City of Mexico ; from thence direct through Central Amer- 
ica to the United States of Colombia ; thence passing 
through the north-western part of Brazil to Bolivia; thence 
across the north-western point of Paraguay to the Argen- 
tine Republic, where the roads terminate at the city of 
Buenos Ayres. 

This road to be built by and with the mutual funds of 
the American nations; the freights and traveling fares not 
to exceed what will merely keep the roads in good repair, 
as the object of the road is to facilitate commerce by its 
cheapness, speed, and dispatch. This cheapness of freight 
and travel is only while on the great international road, 
but as soon as freight or passengers leave the road they are 
subject to the rates of fare as may be charged by the dif- 
ferent roads that tap the great international road, as the 
road has no authority outside of its own limits. This 
leaves the home commerce of all and each of the nations 
free. They can tap the great road at any point wherever 
they please, by switches, w T hereby they become feeders as 
well as absorbers and dispensers of its commence. A 
special branch would be necessary by several nations 
through whose territory this road does not pass, such as 
Chili, Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela, Guiana, and Uruguay; 
yet all the nations, even the United States, must tap it by 
switches in order to co-operate with the great road either as 
feeders or absorbers, as the great road is the grand artery of 
international commerce, controlled by an international com- 
mittee called the court of commerce. 



306 • APPENDIX. 



COMMERCIAL OBJECT OF THE ROAD. 

One of the great objects of this enterprise is the equaliz- 
ing of the industries of the nations by a cheap mode of 
distributing the various products of art and nature, thereby 
one section becoming the consumer of the surplus products 
of another. Especially is this the case with the two or 
rather three Americas, for what is exuberant in one lati- 
tude is a luxury in the other ; and, by this great road, the 
industries of one section feed the other, and mutually give 
each other employment. 

This is one object of this enterprise. The next is, the 
building of this road and the tens of thousands of miles of 
its feeders as auxiliaries will give, directly and indirectly, 
employment to more than twenty millions of people — I 
mean in the building and maintaining of the road, inde- 
pendent of the other industries that are born from its 
inspirations, by affording a market for their products. 

The above are the commercial benefits that inspire the 
American nations to build this road ; yet there is another of 
equal importance, which, of itself, ought to inspire the 
building of this road as soon as possible. I mean a mili- 
tary necessity, for most assuredly as soon as the European 
monarchs have divided Europe, Asia, and Africa, with the 
islands, between themselves, and there being nothing more 
for them to grab, aud seeing the rich prize of South Amer- 
ica, the comparative weakness of each nation taken by 
itself, and knowing all that restrains them is the fear of 
the United States and her known declaration of non-inter- 
ference, called the "Monroe doctrine." But the tempta- 
tion will become so great, seeing that it is the last chance 
for a grab, and the last chance with the last card that raon- 



APPENDIX. 307 



archy has to play against republicanism, therefore they will 
form a coalition of all the powers of Europe against the 
United States and the republics of Central and South 
America. Their iron and steel-clad ships will swarm the 
seas, and hold the United States in check, helpless to assist 
her sister republics until they have thoroughly conquered 
them and stationed powerful armies in all parts of the con- 
quered countries, from whence they can invade and harass 
the United States. Then will appear the utility there was 
in the forecast that prompted the building of this road, for 
while all the American ports are closed, thereby destroying 
the co-operative powers of the American nations to assist 
each other by sea, this road will enable them to co-operate 
and strike from the center of the twin continents outward, 
as armies and munitions of war can be shipped on the great 
central road to any of its auxiliary feeders in the shortest 
possible time, and thus make it impossible for the combined 
forces of all Europe to conquer even the weakest of the 
American states or republics; therefore a closer relation 
should exist between us. 

If the Monroe doctrine is really to be maintained as it 
should be, to the letter, then we can not too soon build this 
road ; and, also, if we annex Mexico with Central America 
we will need it, for surely the building of the Panama 
canal means all this. When once that is completed, then 
look out for encroachments. 

The United States, foreseeing these things, should fore- 
stall them by possessing Central America with Mexico, and 
not only build the above road conjointly with the other 
American powers, but build a ship canal of her own, or, 
rather, two of them ; one through Nicaraugua, the other 
by the way of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. But the cry 



308 APPENDIX. 

will be, O, the immense cost of these enterprises ! but we 
will retort with, O, the immense double benefits of these 
works! First, it gives employment to millions of men, 
thereby withdrawing them from the competition with their 
fellows in the factories and workshops, thereby changing 
the competition from the employes to the employers, for 
laborers, both skilled and unskilled, will become scarce in 
proportion to the demand. Thus we see this is done by 
distributing the occupations, and thereby the varieties 
of their productions; and with this comes a general 
diffusion of money, the purchasing medium of the produc- 
tions of the different occupations. The want of this equal 
and general diffusion of money is what is disturbing the 
social and commercial world, for "a starving economy is 
not congenial to a high state of civilization." Therefore it 
is the evidence of perfect statesmanship that, when the oc- 
cupations become demoralized and commerce irregular, 
with millions of men and women seeking employment, con- 
sequently want and crime prevail ; we say, this is the time 
for the state to engage in these works, thereby readjusting 
the occupations by distributing the means of sustenance in 
the shape of money paid to the builders of these necessary 
public works. The idea of cost is not to overrule the more 
important idea of redistribution, for the nation can not be- 
come poorer by changing its money from one set of its citi- 
zens to another, for the nation still possesses it, but it is in 
the hands of those who actually need it. This change is a 
happy one, and is the evidence of true statesmanship. 

Therefore, we would say, that true statesmanship would, 
at this time, dictate to the United States : first, to build a 
first-class war navy, irrespective of honest costs; second, 
fortify all her ports sufficiently to withstand all attacking 



APPENDIX. 309 



powers ; third, to fill her armories and arsenals with the best 
of munitions of war — ordnance both for the navy and the 
ports, capable of competing with any now known ; fourth, 
build the international railway as heretofore described ; 
fifth, build the inter-ocean ship canals ; sixth, improve all 
our navigable rivers, connecting the lakes with the rivers 
by ship canals ; and, finally, never hesitate to spend money 
in public improvements on account of a false idea of econ- 
omy, for this is a happy mode of redistribution. 

Especially should the nation engage in these works at 
such times when the workshops and factories seem to be 
overstocked with applicants for work, and the stores and 
warehouses filled to repletion, all for the want of a general 
circulation of money. There are two reasons for why the 
government should at such times undertake such improve- 
ments: First, it can, at such times, obtain laborers, both 
skilled and unskilled, without in the least disturbing the 
productive energies of the nation in any of her many oc- 
cupations, but actually relieve them from the menace of 
the superfluously abundant applicants for places, for which 
they have no employment. Their non-employment causing 
riotous strikes and coercions of the manufacturing commu- 
nities, thereby making the matter still worse by the idle- 
ness it causes, and thereby checking the general distribu- 
tion of money. Want, abject w T ant, becomes sectional ; 
riots ensue, and the moral tone of society is lowered, and a 
lowered civilization prevails. 

The government, at this time, should press these works, 
and thereby relieve the community of its superabundant 
applicants for work. This answers two purposes, or, rather, 
three ; first, it gives those who are idle employment, thereby 
relieving the overstocked factories and their employes from 



310 APPENDIX. 



competitors for place ; second, the wages they earn assists 
in evenly distributing the money of the nation, upon 
which depends the energies of commerce ; third, and the 
money now being in the hands of the general community 
more evenly divided, therefore all who have wants, be they 
as various as they may, are enabled to satisfy them. And 
by this means the overstocked stores and warehouses are 
emptied of their wares and goods. The stagnation thus is 
found not to be overproduction, but a want of a general 
distribution of the purchasing medium (money). This 
can never be otherwise whilst the one-half of the nation 
are idle and quarreling with the other half for their places 
of employment. Neither is it for the want of money 
throughout the commercial world, but it is the want of a 
regular and general distribution of the purchasing medium, 
which now has been achieved by the government employ- 
ing the superabundant help, making of them purchasers 
with means to pay for all they want or need, and thus re- 
adjusting the various occupations and industries of the 
nation. 

Thus it will be seen that there is no natural antagonism 
between capital and labor; the difficulty is between the 
laborers themselves in competing for place. This is the 
result of the demoralization of the occupations, caused by 
the want of their proper distribution, and this being accel- 
erated and intensified by excessive foreign immigration to 
America, which should be restricted to that degree that it 
will not demoralize the American industries. There is one 
cause in particular which inspires foreign immigration to 
America which should be totally checked; that is, their 
easy enfranchisement with the right and privilege of holding 
office. This thought inspiring them, they become demoral- 



APPENDIX. 311 



ized as soon as they touch our shores. They being deter- 
mined to exhibit their imagined talents, aud knowing noth- 
ing of Americanism, reduce the elections to the grade of 
the horse race and dog fight, and think the more bluster 
they can make the more they will be appreciated and the 
sooner obtain an office, they being as vain of the pride of 
office as is the monkey of a brass band around his neck ; 
and if they can not get an office their vanity for notoriety 
prompts them into the ring of the pugilist. Thus our 
whole civilization has been and still is being degraded by 
this foreign mode of bullying, and calls loudly to the true 
American to stop it, by denying them the right to hold 
office for twenty-one years or altogether, and then you will 
see a check to immigration. The foreign blusterer will then 
cease to defile our legislative halls and demoralize our elec- 
tions, and swinging around on our streets with club in 
hand to abuse the rights of our citizens, while they exhibit 
the might of their dignity and the majesty of a policeman. 
Neither will you find them competing for place in our 
workshops at starvation wages. It is time this thing was 
attended to by our Congress, for if not, then every devil 
of a monarchial tyrant in Europe who hates Americanism 
and the American idea of self-government will send their 
trash over here to assist in our demoralization, for most as- 
suredly they foresee that, ere long, there must be a crash 
between combined Europe and "the great republic;" and, 
as a writer on scientific statesmanship, I forewarn the 
American people. I speak fearlessly, not being a seeker 
for office. I care not what foreigners may say or think of 
me; I am an American, and Americanism is my religion. 
Therefore we would not advise the United States to dally 
long with Canada, and suffer England to fortify and arm 



312 APPENDIX. 



her to the teeth, for we must fight her some time, if Eng- 
land keeps possession of her ; and this being unavoidable, 
the sooner the better for us. But if we can get her in a 
commercial treaty with her and England, then so much 
the better for both ; but get her we must. 

The United States should, without delay, make proposals 
to the Central American republics for their annexation, 
and let Mexico take her time, treating her all the time as 
a kind sister. With Cuba, time will determine her fate ; 
but she must also be absorbed. 

If our government should take the course we have pre- 
scribed there will be no more heard of the tyranny of cap- 
ital over labor, for the works the government will eugage 
in will employ all who wish employment. And when once 
the great international railway is finished, the keeping up 
of the road, with its running stock, will give employment 
to millions of men, and afford a continuous market for our 
iron ; and the untold markets of the southern nations will 
drain our manufactories of all their surplus stores, receiv- 
ing in return their productions of art, with the natural 
productions peculiar to the climates of each country ; and 
thus make each a consumer of the other's superabundance, 
thereby mutually inspiring each other in their peculiar 
avocations. Tims ending all competition for places of em- 
ployment, for the demand for help will be greater than the 
supply, for the very reason that the commercial demand 
exceeds the manufactured supply. 

Now let the argus-eyed statesman span the circle of facts, 
and he will find all right so far as in relation to the three 
Americas ; yet with the international affairs of the United 
States and the great nations of the world, those hundred 
eyes of the argus will see the positive necessity of a per- 



APPENDIX. 313 



manent understanding of the bounds or boundaries of each 
and ali the empires, kingdoms, and republics of the world, 
with the mutual rights of each in all the others' territories. 
These should be strictly defined. This readjustment and 
delimitation of territories must take place in the commer- 
cial congress of the nations, as described in Note D, page 
238 to 245, and in chapter 15, page 73, of this book. And 
after this congress is once established, then all international 
matters will be settled by this congress, for it will bear the 
same relation to the different nations as does the Supreme 
Court of the United States to the different states of the 
Union. It will be the high judicial court of the nations, 
or, rather, the commercial court of the world (great mother 
of all cities, chambers of commerce). 

But now the "argus" turns his hundred eyes to the 
minutiae of social ethics — to the base of international 
ethics. But from this he dives to the depths of the bottom 
of all rights — the base of the constitutional nature of all 
things. This being discovered, he commences his social 
combinations and to emerge to the surface, carrying these 
first principles with him ; then arranges them into a code 
of laws, and thereby establishes a civilization of justice and 
equal rights for all. But in his reviewing of the fields of 
the present social world — the effects of the abuse of com- 
merce by the undue influence of the magic power of 
money — he sees the world in a terrible state of demoraliza- 
tion. The majority, like " Esau," have sold out to the 
acute capitalists, for money buys capital, and capital yields 
again ten limes the money it first cost; and this again ten 
times doubled in money; and this ten times doubled money 
buys ten times its value in fresh capital, the values consist- 
ing in the intrinsic properties of the capital. These in- 



3 14 APPENDIX. 



trinsic properties are evolved or brought forth as wealth by 
the skill of labor. This labor and skill is paid for by a 
fraction in money of the price of the evolved properties of 
the capital it worked upon. Thus this capital yields ten 
cents to the capitalist for every cent the laborer gets, 
thereby enabling the capitalist to enslave the workingmen 
by the magic influence of money. This evil can not be 
corrected so long as these conditions exist, for the magical 
power of money will exist in spite of all legislation, as also 
will the intrinsicalities of capital, with the susceptibilities 
of all mankind to the bewitching influence of money. 

The meshes wherein the social and commercial world are 
now entangled have been weaving and netting for thou- 
sands of years. The A and B of the beginning of this 
matter was with the Phenicians, they being the begetters 
of the arts and sciences. With them originated the art of 
the manufactory, the art of extracting the intrinsical 
wealth from capital which prompted commerce. This 
commerce prompted navigation, which evolved the art of 
shipbuilding, they having learned the secret mysteries of 
the hidden intrinsic properties of the various substances 
and their wonderful wealth when called forth by art, as 
did Tubal Cain. They first shipped their goods to other 
nations, exchanging them for raw materials for their facto- 
ries, every time doubling from ten to one hundred times 
the original values. This soon suggested the necessity of a 
fictitious medium of exchange, with the smallest possible 
bulk in proportion to its commercial value. But, previous 
to this, they had invented the alphabet and arithmetic, 
with geometry, and a knowledge of astronomy. The first 
two were necessary to them as merchants in keeping ac- 
counts, whilst geometry and astronomy were necessary in 



APPENDIX. 315 



navigation or the nautical art. But now comes the key to 
the magic of commerce, the magical wand of all earthly 
power, "the almighty dollar," "the silver god," with his 
majesty, "the imperial golden doubloon." The invention 
of these commercial gods was for convenience. Their 
magic consisted in their divinity, which was their commer- 
cial values. They would buy any thing and every thing 
to the value of their faces. For this reason were they pre- 
ferred above all other orders of wealth, as they were ex- 
changeable in value in all the commercial world. There 
was still a greater reason for this, namely, "superstition." 
The superstition connected therewith was the base of its 
magic, for the whole world at that time was pagan and 
astrologic in its faith. "Jupiter" was the supreme ruler of 
the universe, and "Juno" was his queen. Temples to Juno 
were built every-where ; so the Phenicians coined the first 
money in the temple of "Juno Moneta," and with the like- 
ness of Juno on one side and Jupiter on the other, with 
the exact commercial value in letters or figures stamped or 
engraven thereon. This gave it its wonderful "fiat" or 
commercial power. Ever since it has been buying every 
thing, thereby making the rich still richer, and the poor 
still poorer ; and what has still more facilitated the effects 
of this golden god and goddess is the wonderful productions 
of machinery. The inventive genius of man has so im- 
proved different orders of mechanism that man now com- 
mands the elements, and they obey him. Every machine 
does the work of ten men, thereby leaving nine-tenths of 
the population idle, except on farms, where it affects less. 
This is the evil effect of the abuse which the magic of 
money has had on the arts of production and its com- 



316 APPENDIX. 



The climax has been attained. Capital, machinery, and 
their master, "money," have ruined the commerce of the 
world. They three have killed themselves. First, the 
greed for money has monopolized capital, which prompted 
invention of machinery, by which, as by magic, the in- 
trinsic values were brought forth with but one-tenth the 
cost of the evolved wealth. Therefore the money staid in 
the banks of the capitalists, so that now nine-tenths of the 
people have no money wherewith to buy any thing, they 
having been kept idle by the wonderful productive ener- 
gies of the new machinery. 

Now we see how the greed for money invented the ma- 
chinery which threw nine-tenths of the people out of em- 
ployment, and consequently out of the circle of the com- 
mercial world, so that so far as commerce is concerned they 
are dead. This is the abusive effect of money by greedy 
capitalists. 

And now is the time when commerce is dead, the people 
starving, the capitalists crazy, murder and theft unchecked, 
and suicides are common — yes, now is the time when all, 
even the greedy capitalists, pray for the argus-eyed states- 
man to lead them out of the wilderness. All exclaim . 
"Shall he untie the gordian knot or cut it ?" All again 
exclaim : "Any thing that will relieve us and again equal- 
ize matters!" The answer comes: "It shall be unrav- 
eled." 

And the first process of unraveling is contained in the 
policy of international Americanism, which will employ 
tens of millions of men, and again re-establish commerce 
by a general diffusion of money. 

This evil, which has just at this time attained its climax, 
has been in its course of incubation for the last four thou- 



APPENDIX. 317 

sand years. Man's moral nature has not kept pace with 
his intellectual and mechanical skill. Man has attained 
perfection in mechanics while the morals slept, consequently 
he is viciously wise, selfish, and brutal. The fool and the 
villain have usurped the place of the statesman, and now 
the nations mourn, for "the fool reigneth." 

As the abuse of the use of money has wrought all these 
evils by a false commerce, therefore to restore matters so 
as to correspond with the highest ideas of social ethics 
without checking man in his developments, but when all 
will receive an equally good education, with ample means 
of comfort ; we say, to bring about such conditions, money 
must be used in a legitimate way, so as to again buy back 
homes for those who, by the false use of money, have been 
made homeless. For all true statesmen know that if the 
real estates were divided equally every ten years, and all 
being left free to buy and sell, which is their natural right, 
money, with its magic influence, will buy it all back, and 
the shrewd will own it again. Therefore the statesman is 
forced to adopt quite a different course. First, a counter 
banking system ; second, a counter order of title to home- 
steads ; third, a new and more perfect system of educa- 
tion — a forced education, with the state furnishing all the 
books, as well as all the needed stationery. All children 
between the ages of eight years and fourteen, if in proper 
health aud sanity of mind, to attend school four to five 
days per week for ten months each year, four hours per 
day — pure science and art to be taught, exclusive of all re- 
ligious theories or dogmas — none of the churches to be 
allowed to interfere in the least in these common schools. 
The books to be graded and alike in all the schools of the 
state. In each school the books will be deposited in proper 



318 . APPENDIX. 



book-cases in the school-house of the district, under the 
care of the supervisors and the teachers they may employ, 
subject to the school board of the city, township, or county; 
and they all subject to the state and its proper officers. 

The object of this forced education is, that the poor shall 
be equally well educated as are the rich ; therefore it shall 
be the duty of the inspectors to see that all children of the 
proper age are attending the schools, and if not, then they 
must see why they do not attend ; and if it is for want of 
clothing, shoes, or actual necessaries of life, then, if by in- 
vestigation it is found that these wants are. honest and not 
the result of vice or want of economy, then these children 
shall be provided with suitable apparel at public cost, and 
the children forced to attend school. But if the parents 
are immoral, and not being fit to raise children, then the 
children are to be taken from them and brought up in a 
proper nursery, such as the State Farm at Lancaster, Ohio, 
where the same order of education will prevail. 

No excuse will be accepted from religious societies or any 
of their members, saying, that their children are attending 
their own private schools, and receiving a sectarian educa- 
tion. This will be a misdemeanor, as no children will be 
allowed to absent themselves from the common schools 
until after they are fourteen years old ; and after they 
have attained that age they can choose their own order of 
schooling, independent of their parents or any one else ; 
but if they choose to still abide in the common schools, 
then the state pays therefor ; and if they choose any other, 
they themselves must pay the expenses. 

THE BANKING SYSTEM. 

The object of the counter-banking system is to counter- 



APPENDIX. 319 



act the magic purchasing influence of money in the hands 
of the speculative capitalists, thereby enabling the poor to 
purchase themselves homes, and by the counter order of 
title to secure these homes against the magic influence of 
money (these titles not beiug negotiable). 

Knowing that all wealth is the product of labor as 
evolved from capital, also that a high state of civilization 
can not obtain without an equal and general education of 
the masses ; otherwise the learned will enslave the un- 
learned ; and also knowing that the higher and more gen- 
eral the education, the nobler and more divine the civiliza- 
tion that springs therefrom ; and that to attain this as a 
finality, it is necessary that all should be possessed of at 
least a competency of wealth, so as to square their circum- 
stances with the state and grade of the civilization then in 
vogue, or such as we expect to inaugurate, for, as an effect, 
it must have its proper causes to spring from, and they are 
those as stated heretofore. First, a general competency ; 
second, a general and brilliant education as its consequence. 
But all will see that, in order to attain and also maintain 
this, it is necessary that the statesman shall inaugurate the 
two systems as above stated, otherwise the magic influence 
of money will disrupt in a very short time all equalizations 
there may be made in the wealth of the nation. 

Like Faust's contract with the devil : the devil was to 
build a first-class paved road in advance of his swift char- 
iot, and this paving to be torn up behind the chariot con- 
tinually at the same distance, and placed in advance ; and 
if the devil could not do this, then Faust was the victor 
over the devil. But the devil succeeded. So it would be 
with the equalization of wealth, with the people unequally 
educated, and subject to the magical influence of money, 



320 APPENDIX. 



the wealth would all return again to the astute capitalists. 
As the shade precedes the fleeing horse, so also follows the 
sunshine ; and so also will disruption follow construction if 
not secured against the tempting influence of money. This 
the statesman knows, which forces him into the most pro- 
found series of thoughts, which suggests not only a tem- 
porary relief, but a permanent cure — one in whose attri- 
butes are contained the elements of a continuous readjust- 
ment into a harmonious fixity of permanent homes, with a 
competency of the necessaries of life to each and all. The 
first of which is the readjustment of the avocations into 
their proper proportions, thereby avoiding a competition for 
place in either of them, as well as an overproduction of 
either of the avocations, for each becomes the consumer in 
part of all the rest. This readjustment of the various 
trades lays the foundation of an equal distribution of 
money, which enables all to purchase the various matters 
they want, which, when done, empties all the stores, and 
makes room for new wares and goods, thus creating a de- 
mand for labor in all the manufactories, with higher wages, 
or such as will be the equal of labor in each avocation, 
thereby securing a better tone of morals, as all are now 
harmonized by being equalized. 

All the above facts and principles are contained in the 
suggestions that have already been made. 

It is not to be supposed that the statesman will advise a 
retrogression in the process of manufactures; that is, to dis- 
pense with labor-saving machinery, so that to satisfy the 
wants of man in a high state of luxury all would be forced 
to labor after the old order of the savage ages, at least 
twelve hours per day, and with this dull order of things 
retrograde back into a corresponding savage state of civil- 



APPENDIX. 321 



ization. This the statesman knows is contrary to the laws 
of man's destiny, for the production of labor-saving ma- 
chinery is the legitimate result of man's unfolding nature 
as a mechanic ; but in the distributing philosophy which 
pertains to the statesman, man is wofully deficient, but 
necessity will teach him. And thus he finds that the first 
act he is forced into is the redistribution of the occupations, 
so that they do not encroach on each other, whilst all have 
employment, and none are forced to be idle or in competi- 
tion with their fellow workmen. Thus commerce will be 
regular, prices not fluctuate, wages regular and even in 
each occupation after its kind — all being equally educated 
and efficient as employes or capitalists. 

The statesman now sees that, in order to inspire a higher 
taste for luxury, and a more refined and equalized educa- 
tion, and thereby a nobler civilization — he finds that he 
must expand the area of commerce, which he does, by the 
policy of annexing all North America ; then, by treaty, 
building the great international railway, whose commerce 
will stimulate all manner of industries, thereby equalizing 
the circulation of money, and give a chance of compe- 
tency and a home to all who wish it. And they now hav- 
ing homes, the fluctuation of commerce does not affect 
them as it otherwise would, they now 7 being able to with- 
stand its fluctuations. 

But the counter-banking system and new order of home- 
stead titles are the things yet to be explained. 

Home : The desire and love for home and its associa- 
tions are the dearest objects that affect all civilized human 
beings. The family circle is the place where all morals 
begin ; and, without a home, the morals are lax and of a 
low order ; and, even when the family have a home, and 



322 APPENDIX. 



that home is a mere leased one, the morals are affected 
thereby, and in a measure are degraded, being servile ; so 
that if the highest possible morals are to be attaiued they 
must be cultivated in homes whose titles belong to the oc 
cupants. If this is so, then the nation whose statesmen 
neglect the opportunities they may have to so legislate as 
that all who wish and strive for may have homes ; we say, 
such statesmen are criminal in a degree they think not of, 
for they lay the foundation for vice and misery untold. 
And to avoid this sin, as a writer, we propose the following 
order : 

Knowing the magic power of money to buy all things, 
and in a measure to counteract this by the very same mag- 
ical force guarded by legislation, viz, that all building 
associations be chartered as banks of loan, their loans to be 
restricted to homestead buildings and farms ; and particu- 
larly in the building of houses for homes, upon which the 
building association would be required to take out a mort- 
gage, with six (or less) per cent interest until paid ; no 
other security being allowed or sale permitted so long as 
the interest is paid. The property to be insured in the 
name of the building association. And if the association 
neglect to insure, and the house be destroyed, it will be at 
the loss of the association, with damage to its true owners 
sufficient to pay the rent while they are rebuilding the 
house. 

In this order of building, by the building associations, 
the advantage is in this, that the bank can not sell tha 
property as long as the owner pays the interest on the 
mortgage. It gives him time, with small cost of interest, 
to pay for his home, and when paid for, he can sell or 
keep it. 



APPENDIX. 323 



But the greatest and most permanent benefits of these 
homesteads is, where the state, city, or United States deeds 
an open lot or farm to a family as a home forever, without 
the power of alienation within the lifetime of both husband 
and wife, and also if both husband and wife should die, 
and any of their children be minors, this property can not 
be sold, as it still is a guarantee that the minor children 
shall be properly brought up and educated ; not until all 
the children are twenty-one years of age, and both parents 
dead, can this property be sold by its owners, as no outside 
claim of debt can hold this property. 

The object is, in greater part, to secure to all mothers 
and their children the blessings and comforts of a home, 
with equal chances of a good education with all others of 
their neighbors, so that, if the husband dies, the home is 
left with the widow, that she may educate her children ; 
and if then the widow dies, the children being minors, the 
property is reserved to them as a guarantee of their proper 
education, the education being a forced one, yet free as to 
expense of schooling. 

This last order of homestead, which is inalienable and 
not liable for debt, is the gift of the general government, 
as described in chapter 1, in second part of this book, page 
101, and throughout the entire book, called "the enabling 
act." 

This certainly is what the United States must do, if still 
she wishes to hold the ascendant that leads to the perfec- 
tion of man's nature, which truly is her mission ; and when 
she errs therein she lays the foundation of revolution 
against herself, as being unworthy her high calling as the 
political savior of the human race. 

Thus we think, with the avocations perfectly readjusted, 



324 APPENDIX. 



and the sphere of commerce so enlarged by the building of 
proper avenues of commerce, so that the products of the 
different avocations of the nations, as well as the different 
climatic productions of the world, can find their mutual 
consumers with the least possible loss of time and expense 
of carriage. This w T ill insure an even and rapid diffusion 
of money, and thereby equalize values, so that he who 
wishes may purchase himself a home, and hold it inde- 
pendent of all mankind, wherein he may exercise the 
divine rights of his own personal divinity conjointly with 
the great divinity of the universe (or . liberty of con- 
science). 

Never forgetting that as we do to others so shall it re- 
turn to us, so that if the manufacturer pays low wages 
these wages determine the price of his productions, and 
they will sell equally low. Therefore how foolish it is to 
suppose that there is the least shade of inharmony between 
capital and labor. The capitalists who howl, as well as the 
laborers who shriek about their natural inharmony, are 
either fools or knaves. For first distribute and readjust 
the avocations, thereby equalizing the productions corre- 
sponding with the demands or wants of the commercial 
world, and wages will be regulated by the profits the cap- 
italists can afford ; for if labor receives more than this then 
capitalists fail for want of profits ; and the first to feel their 
failure are the laboring employes. And for the good of 
all mankind the statesman sees that his duty is, first, to 
protect the capitalist in his rights, thereby assuring the 
laborer employment and the community an undisturbed 
commerce. 

Capital precedes labor, and will, through the eternities, 
control labor, as the cosmic in nature always controls the 



APPENDIX. 325 



homic ; not only labor, both skilled and unskilled, but the 
capitalists themselves; for capital has its intrinsicalities 
from the eternities, and is not dependent on the capitalists 
for a single shade of its properties; but those properties 
can only be evolved by art conjointly with nature, so as to 
be useful to man ; and the office of the capitalist is to judge 
of their intrinsic properties, gather them together in quan- 
tities sufficient to warrant him in employing men and 
machinery whereby to prepare those intrinsicalities for 
man's use ; and, not stopping there, but carry them to mar- 
ket, for which he receives the then current price of their 
values in money. This all must be done by the capitalist 
before his employes can get any thing for their labor. 
Does not the statesman see by this that the capitalist is first 
in order as an operator, and must necessarily be possessed 
of a more extensive knowledge of things than is the mere 
mechanic, and that the commerce of the world depends on 
them as a class ? Therefore they are as the head, to man- 
age, while the mechanics are as the hands, by which the 
capitalists as the head evolve the commercials from the in- 
trinsicalities of capital. 

Thus every act of a strike is a sin against the entire 
commercial world, as also it is against every one who labors 
for a living ; as just in so far as labor ceases, just to that 
degree is money checked in its diffusion and equal distribu- 
tion among the working classes, thereby robbing them of 
the means to purchase the very articles that are clogging 
the markets, which causes the lowering of the prices of their 
own labor. 

This the argus-eyed statesman sees, and is justified in 
making laws which will treat all strikers as criminals 
against commerce and the commercial world. The com- 



>26 APPENDIX. 



birring together, in order to coerce the manufacturing cap- 
italist, is a mild attempt at robbery and piracy. This the 
government should prevent ; first, by protecting the cap- 
italists ; second, by severe penalties on those who partici- 
pate in these coercive strikes, and the concocters of such 
mobs to be not only fined heavily, but imprisoned, for the 
fact is it is treason against the present civilization of the 
world, or else an act of lunacy. For surely the capitalists 
are not to blame, neither for the low prices, nor yet for the 
want of employment ; he is as helpless in these matters as 
are the laboring community, for he himself is subject to 
the great principles of demand, which regulates the amount 
of production and its relative commercial values; and the 
amount of production in demand will determine the num- 
ber of employes he can hire ; and the price of his manu- 
factured goods or wares will regulate and determine the 
price he can pay for their production ; and he, being versed 
in these matters, as this is his special lifetime study, he 
knows better how much he can pay his employes than they 
do. Besides all this, the mechanic knows that if the profits 
are very great, these very profits will invite competition, 
and wages will rise until the competition ceases. There- 
fore the statesman knows that the mass of strikers are 
ignorant of the cause of these depressions in commercial 
values, laying them to the charge of the capitalists, and 
are inspired to seek redress from them ; hence they are 
easily gulled by unprincipled demagogues, who seek by 
this means to ride into office on the backs of these deluded 
men. These demagogues know no more of the cause, nor 
yet of the cure of these matters, than does the man in the 
moon. Nine out of ten are mere political ignoramuses, 
seeking notoriety, with the big name of "statesman" 



APPENDIX. 327 



hitched to their own. Such men are a curse to all man- 
kind. 

All these matters that now agitate the civilized world, 
their regulation and readjustment belong to the argus-eyed 
statesman, who can see at a glance every angle in the circle 
of the commercial and political world ; yes, span the circle 
of humanity as by geometric and mathematic certainty. 
Until that is done, the politician, as the owl, may hoot, 
while the laborer, as the wolf, will howl, for neither of 
them knows what ails them, nor where to seek a remedy. 

We have stated the case fairly in our previous remarks, 
that the capitalists with their capital, and the mechanics 
with their skill, are as mutually dependent on each other 
as are the heart, lungs, and stomach with the rest of the 
viscera and the head and brains, each being a link in the 
chain of mutual dependence, the one on the other. 

As soon as there is a general competition for place, then 
we know that the avocations are unequalized and disrupted, 
and the duty of the officers of organized labor is to find 
places for those who overstock the demand in that particular 
branch of work ; and just in so far as they succeed, just so 
far will they be able to control wages by creating a demand 
therefor. 

This is the point, the fulcrum, which determines the 
price of labor, and if so, then the statesman sees the neces- 
sity of enlarging the area of the demand for labor by public 
works, thereby extending the avenues of commerce, by 
which the occupations are regulated, which has already 
been noted. And as agriculture is the first and greatest of 
them all, and very irregular in its results on account of ir- 
regularity of seasons, thereby eternally changing prices and 
disturbing the commerce of the world ; and for this irregu- 



328 APPENDIX. 



larity, both in price and demand for labor, the statesman is 
forced in his economy to adopt a condition that will adjust 
itself to these variations, as do the ventricles of the heart 
to the blood. Thus he finds that a secured homestead will 
neutralize these pressures and counteract their irregulari- 
ties, and especially so where there are lands for cultivation, 
as thereby they not only save rent, but produce, in a meas- 
ure, their own subsistence. But even where there are no 
lands for cultivation, the bare saving of rents will allow for 
much pressure caused by the variations of price for labor, 
or even short cessations therefrom. 

Seeing these things, and knowing that the capitalists can 
not regulate wages, and that fluctuations in commerce as 
well as prices can never be regulated into a fixity, neither 
by political parties, capitalists, nor statesmen, therefore we 
have suggested the advisability of a tax sufficient on all the 
wealth of the United States to give to all married couples 
a home inalienable for debt, or untransferable by contract, 
as heretofore stated. The mode of gathering this tax has 
repeatedly been stated, as well as the impracticability of a 
general non-ownership of real properties as being contrary 
to man's nature. 

For if man is capable of self-government he has the 
natural right of choice of things, and no two persons are 
alike in their tastes or fancies, therefore they can never 
agree as to the uses of things they might have in common ; 
but each having the right to contract, buy, or sell, which 
right grows out of their acknowledged capacity of self- 
government. And they have also the right to sell as well 
as purchase ; and having these two rights, both of sale and 
purchase, they have the right to hold this property, from 
the very fact of the right of purchase, and the conceded 



APPENDIX. 329 



capacity of knowing how to rule their own affairs — and 
by this purchase have gained the transfer and quitclaim 
from all others (which their acquisitiveness will hold and 
their combativeness defend). Therefore the rights of prop- 
erty are sacred in the minds of all moral beings ; therefore 
this being known, and the right to hold property being 
considered sacred, and the sale thereof acknowledged by 
all, and money, for its convenience, being preferred above 
all other species of property, with its wonderful bewitching 
influence, and man's rights to buy and sell. Therefore 
there is no use of equalizing the division of property, for 
the magic power of money will continually disrupt this 
equalization. And to rob mankind of the right of con- 
tract and self-government is to rob him of the attributes of 
his own soul. This being known, this sort of an idea of a 
commune is dismissed as being impossible, and the nearest 
practicable thing to it is the taxing of all wealth per dollar, 
sufficient to give homes to all who deserve them. But un- 
der true statesmanship this will never be necessary, for all, 
when afforded a proper chance to labor, will earn their own 
homes, and hold them unincumbered by all others' rights or 
dictation. 

But here is the mighty problem : Who is going to give 
us such a code of statesmanship, and thereby educate the 
masses, so that tens of thousands of argus-eyed statesmen 
will spring forth to lead the people, these arguses being 
true and honest as was Aristides, and wise as Solomon and 
Haroun-Alraschid, caliph of Bagdad? 

No, no ; the people will not instruct themselves. There 
will be no such statesmen by the thousands. The dema- 
gogue will rule to ruin, while he lays the evils of his own 
folly to the charge of the capitalists. 



330 APPENDIX. 



Now you ask us, where is the fault? We answer, with 
the people — the political ignorance of the masses — they be- 
ing too stingy to buy books or too lazy for mental work, 
therefore are gulled by the demagogue. For surely if they 
were wise they would see that the capitalists are not in 
fault. It is their own kind, their brother workmen, who 
are their antagonists. Therefore take away the super- 
abundance of help, and all will be right. And, to remove 
this competition by affording employment to all who wish 
it, is the only remedy for the labor problem. This, we 
think, would be attained by the policy being adopted as 
advocated in these essays. 

And if all the nations should adopt a similar course and 
cease their warring, there would be no emigrations caused 
by fear of war or abject poverty. The equilibrium of labor 
would not be disturbed to any great extent at any point of 
the commercial world at the same time. And, with the 
provision of homes to the majority of families, this would 
admit of an elasticity to the pressure of want, so that the 
reactions of commercial pressure of over or under produc- 
tion would scarcely be felt, and would be easily main- 
tained. 

So we would say to those agitators of the peace of the 
world, you are entirely mistaken in the cause of your 
trouble. It is not the capitalists who are your enemies, 
but yourselves are your own enemies. 

The fools' idea of the labor problem is to let all other 
species of wealth or properties go free of taxation, and levy 
all taxes for all purposes on land, this being the only species 
of property taxable in their code of social economy. This 
would work its own ruin in the start ; but the one-eyed 
beings who claim a knowledge of statesmanship can not 



APPENDIX. 331 

see this, they not knowing that the demoralizing of the 
occupations is what causes the demoralization of commerce. 
And the commerce of the world being demoralized, the 
circulation of money is unequally distributed ; the popula- 
tions rush to the great centers or to the manufacturing 
cities ; then commences the competition for place, and with 
this comes still greater depressions iu prices, for the very 
reason that those who should be purchasers are idle, and 
have no means wherewith to purchase. And the demoral- 
ization grows still worse, for the necessaries of life now 
grow dearer as a consequence. This is caused by the strain 
it has on agriculture. But you ask us, "Why is this 
strain ?" The thing is so ridiculously plain that we wonder 
at the question being asked ; for if the price of land is low 
its products will be cheap; but, with extortionately high 
ta_xes, the price of the productions will be equally high, 
even if the land is a gift to the holder ; so if, as it is now, 
the agriculturists pay less than one-tenth of the revenues 
necessary to run and support all species of the American 
nation's governments, both national and state, with their 
minutiae, as counties, townships, and municipalities, yet 
with this oue-tenth of the present taxes of the nation they 
are forced, in order to make it pay, to charge one dollar 
per bushel for wheat, and five dollars a barrel for flour ; so 
that, according to these men's economy, ten times the pres- 
ent tax must be levied on land ; so that, to make agricul- 
ture pay a profit over these taxes, the farmer must have 
ten dollars per bushel for wheat, and forty to fifty dollars a 
barrel for flour; and all other products of the farm equally 
dear. Now, with the cities full of contestants for employ- 
ment at the lowest possible price, what exchange can there 
fee between the low-priced productions of the cities and the 



332 APPENDIX. 



enormous prices of the farmer's productions? There can 
be no exchange. This will have a double evil effect. 
First, it will utterly ruin agriculture, by driving the 
agriculturists off of their farms, as their products 
are too dear for any one to purchase. They thereby 
are unable to pay the taxes. They finally go into 
the cities, which are already overburdened with tramps, 
beggars, thieves, and murderers. If this policy were 
adopted, civilization would suddenly cease, for the dispro- 
portion of prices of the necessaries of life and those of the 
manufactories could never enter the same system of com- 
merce, for it would take ten days' work to earn one day's 
bread. ' And the population now all being in the cities 
contending for place, and there being none, as all the man- 
ufactories having ceased for want of patronage, civilization 
ceases ; for the fool as a knave reigneth, and non-ownership 
of property in land is complete. This is the single tax 
system. 

The very contrary of these men's policy is the true one. 
First, secure to all who wish and need it a home, with an 
inalienable title for debt. This will keep lands in their 
proportional price low, with the same per cent of tax per 
dollar on their true values as on all other wealth. This 
will have the tendency of equalizing the occupations, and 
thereby harmonize commercial values, and give a regular 
distribution of money. For land is the safety valve of the 
occupations, the readjuster of commerce, upon which all 
our civilization hangs. 

In this policy it is the object of the statesman to keep 
the price of farming land low, so as to cause a tendency of 
the majority of the people to seek small farms, especially 
near the cities. By this tendency he expects to drain the 



APPENDIX. 333 



cities of all their useless population, and make them useful 
both to themselves and the cities ; to the cities by the hor- 
ticultural products he will furnish their markets. But, to 
themselves first, that on these farms nature becomes their 
ally, as nature works for them day and night ; he plows 
the ground and sows his wheat, and nature kindly gives 
him a crop ; he plants all varieties of seeds, and nature, 
true to herself in every species, gives to him most abund- 
antly her rewards. While he sleeps, his meadows and pas- 
tures grow, and his various animals feast thereon ; his 
orchard and vineyards bloom and bear most abundantly, 
with but a pleasurable care and toil in their pruning. To 
him nature is profuse in her productions; most lavishly 
is he rewarded, as if to draw man close to herself and far 
from the city. 

_Now the statesman sees that this surplus product of 
nature is what the farmer has to exchange with the other 
occupations for those things they manufacture which he 
needs ; and that the entire populations of all the cities are 
dependent on the farmer as nature's agent to feed the 
human race. And they, looking upon him as a benefactor, 
and knowing, that to distress him, is the prelude to their 
own distress. 

Therefore, when they are educated as statesmen (as all 
Americans ought to be), they will cry for cheap land, with 
positive right of title and low rate of taxation. This hav- 
ing a double result ; first, to drive the excess of population 
out of the cities, thereby relieving the remainder from them 
as competitors ; and these now being added to the produc- 
tive agriculturist, cheapens the necessaries of life to those 
who still remain in the cities ; second, and these now being 
on small farms are changed from beggary to affluence ; 



334 APPENDIX. 



they become purchasers of the manufactories which, before, 
had no work for them, thereby strengthening all by equal- 
izing the occupations, whereby commerce becomes regular 
by the more equal diffusion of money. Thus we see that 
agriculture is the great safety valve that regulates the 
commerce of the world, for it is self-supporting, and will 
bear any amount of pressure, if untaxed and left free, 
This the statesman knows, and scorns the fool's idea of tax- 
ing land to the death of agriculture, thereby killing the 
' ' goose " of commerce in order that the cities might have 
"one golden egg" upon which the demagogue could feast. 

Such men with such policies do not belong to the argus 
family of statesmen, but are mere "one-eyed cyclops," yet 
not a "Polyphemus." (The argus is a figure of jealousy, 
but in this book it is used as a figure of the all-seeing 
statesman.) 

In closing these remarks on international and social 
ethics, all who read this boot will ask, where are the lines 
by which we judge a nation as a people distinct from their 
international relations ? Can a nation exist without a prin- 
cipal of communism and socialism in it? Yet, if it can, 
can a nation exist which is a perfect commune of socialists ? 
And this nation being a perfect commune of socialists, can 
there be an entire independent individuality secured to 
each and all citizens independent of each other as individ- 
uals, and yet not affect the communistic principle which 
holds them together as a nation? Yet with all this, can 
there be true harmony, true sociability in this order, so as 
to form a perfect commune as a nation ? 

We will answer : There can be no perfect nation with a 
perfect civilization wherein all these principles do not exist 



APPENDIX. 335 



in their perfection, each principle having its distinctive 
sphere, beyond which it ceases. 

The man who tries to form even the idea of a perfect 
nation, without a principle of communism in it, will have 
no sociability therein, consequently no adhesiveness or 
morals ; and having nothing in common or no communism, 
the individuals will neither adhere nor cohere for want of 
an interest in common. Therefore there will be no social- 
ism, and the scheme fails for want of an attractive princi- 
ple, drawing each to a common center. Therefore no per- 
fect nation can be organized without a principle in common 
to hold them together as an entity or entirety. 

But the idea of a commune without distinctive individu- 
als therein is equally impossible, as a simple can not be a 
community, for a community is a harmonized multitude ; 
yet this multitude is drawn together by a distinct principle 
of interest in common. This principle is a simple, and 
holds a point in common in each and all the individuals, 
thereby harmonizing them in that wherein they are alike, 
without in the least infringing upon their contrary differ- 
entiations which constitutes their independent individuali- 
ties as distinctive beings. These distinctives must be con- 
sidered sacred and inviolable by all. (See definition of 
genus and species in the new code of law pleadings.) 

Thus when every one is left absolutely free in that 
wherein he is positively a distinctive being, and is held in 
society by that peculiar point or trait of his own nature, 
wherein he agrees w T ith all the other members in the circle, 
then this is a perfect social commune — a perfect republic. 
(See its basis on page 277 to 282 of this book.) 

But the separate distinctive individualities wdiich can 
never be merged into this commune are the base of each 



336 APPENDIX. 



distinctive individual's character, and the base from which to 
judge his rights as an individual. These distinctive rights 
can never be brought into any court of the community (with- 
out it is for their protection) ; they are the private inviol- 
able rights, whose judge sits silently in every man's mind 
and judges for itself. 

I will here add that the laws that classify for logical pur- 
poses the genera into their grand generic orders of classes, 
then each genus into its species, the classifying of these 
species into sub-classes, whereby we find the rule by which 
we separate the genus in question into its species by their 
recognized differentias ; and these differentias, as species, 
are held together as a family by their similes, which is their 
generic line ; and all, as a family, being united, constitutes 
their peculiar genus, or, as in statesmanship, the "com- 
mune or nation." The similar polarities that hold the 
otherwise antagonistic elements of the species together as 
a genus are the same as the socialism of the nation. But 
too much socialism destroys the distinctiveness of the indi- 
viduals in the commune, and thereby becomes a tyranny, 
by forcing the loss of the independence of man's private 
personal rights. 

In conclusion, we will say that men, calling themselves 
statesmen, and seeking to lead the people whilst they them- 
selves know nothing of the general classification of man's 
rights, nor of the wisdom of a perfect social economy, so 
as to embrace in it the infallible ethics of eternal justice, 
such men should be discarded and rebuked as the worst of 
man's enemies. 

How much better would it be for the nations to adopt 
the policy advocated in this book than to retain the present 
order; that is, taking England for an example. Let her 



APPENDIX. 337 



tax the entire wealth of her empire equally per dollar, and 
apply this tax to the purpose of shipping her starving poor 
into her unoccupied territories ; give them inalienable titles 
to one, two, or three hundred acres of land, with the means 
to support themselves, as described in the enabling acts in 
this book. She would not only get rid of them in parts of 
her vast empire, whereas they, on account of their helpless 
poverty, are now a curse to themselves as well as to those 
who have ample wealth, but she would thereby enlarge the 
sphere of her commerce, as these regenerated people would 
thereby become staunch buyers of her surplus manufac- 
tured goods. She could, in every ten years, plant a com- 
munity of much more value to herself as a manufacturing 
nation than she could conquer by force of arms with ten 
times the same cost. Therefore is not this the wiser course 
for her to take? And if this is the wiser course for England, 
then it is equally wise for all other nations to follow, espe- 
cially such as Kussia. Then let them disband their armic s 
and cease to strive to conquer other nations, and turn the 
force of their wealth upon themselves, and regenerate their 
own people by regenerating their own empires. This will 
save each nation from the curse of uninvited immigration 
from all others, and extend the area of commerce without 
international jealousies or cause of war. Then the nations 
will be ready for a court of commerce of international ar- 
bitration. 

But as money is the divinity that inspires and also regu- 
lates commerce, there should be an international or world's 
coin struck and coined by this congress. This coin should 
be gold, as silver is too bulksome. The gold coin to be $5, 
$10, $20, $25, $50, $100. The silver coins to be as each 
nation wished, as it will be the home or domestic money, 



338 APPENDIX. 



with paper. These home moneys, not being sought for by 
foreigners, will have a tendency to keep the markets more 
even and prices regular. Thus silver will be decidedly the 
domestic money in our small transactions, and paper, as 
greenbacks, will be the exchange for merchants in their 
banking and internal shippings, gold checks to be issued 
by the international congress on the international sub- 
treasury. 

As paper money will be used in amounts ten to twenty 
times the amount of silver, and silver ten times the amount 
to that of gold, therefore they should bear very nearly this 
proportion in our circulating mediums. 

This brings us to a dilemma in relation to the relative 
amounts of gold, silver, and greenbacks as a currency, 
whereby properties are exchanged from holder to holder. 

Thus: It is said that our wealth doubles once in ten 
years, therefore its representative medium (money) must 
also be doubled, or the relative values will change as the 
proportions are disturbed. Therefore the gold coin, the 
silver and paper, must double also. This, with gold, is 
impossible, even at this time, as the whole world does not 
dig half enough to keep the United States in her proper 
proportion, leaving the other nations out of the calcula- 
tion. Silver may hold its proportion for yet fifty years to 
come. 

Supposing one-thirtieth part of our wealth to be in 
money, and in 1880 our wealth was sixty thousand mill- 
ions, and the money part was two thousand millions ; and 
in 1890 it will be one hundred and twenty thousand 
millions ; and the money part should be four thousand 
millions ; and this doubling every ten years, where would 
the proportion of gold come from ? The whole world could 



APPENDIX. 339 



not furnish the one-tenth part necessary to keep up the 
proportion of gold for the United States, leave alone the 
rest of the nations, so that in less than fifty years nine- 
tenths of our currency will be silver and greenbacks. 

So the reader will see from what has been said that it is 
time to dismiss the one-eyed cyclops and hunt out the 
argus-eyed statesmen, and intrust them with the govern- 
ments of the world, and submit to them the arbitrament 
of the affairs of mankind. 

And with this will be inaugurated the grand policy of 
taxing all wealth alike per dollar, sufficient to pay all public 
expenses ; and over this a sufficient tax to pay for a com- 
fortable home for all families who wish such homes. And 
then with the new order of a forced education, and a com- 
petency assured to all who deserve it, the way will be left 
open to all men to exercise their difference in talents ; to 
gain all the wealth they can in fair and honest commercial 
transactions with the rest of mankind ; and this wealth to 
be assured to them, the right and title whereof is only 
transferable by themselves to whomsoever they see fit; and 
this transfer to be recognized and respected by all mankind 
as the legitimate result of the universally acknowledged 
capacity of man to govern himself ; yet it being acknowl- 
edged by all that every man's best interest is the best sub- 
served when his fellowmen are in comfortable circum- 
stances. Therefore all this aforesaid wealth has been accu- 
mulated with the understanding and the laws of the nation 
to the same effect, that a free commerce shall not work so 
as to entirely impoverish the unwary part of society. 
Therefore this enabling tax, whereby all give back again a 
part of their accumulated wealth to those who are unfor- 
tunate, so as to raise them, with their children, up to the 



340 APPENDIX. 



grade of the civilization then in vogue. This is their best 
interest, as a better civilization is thereby made possible ; 
and one of the great causes of this better civilization is that 
all are free, and are protected in their personal rights; 
and these rights being classified and respected, all feel 
secure. 

This mode is certainly preferable to that which equalizes 
wealth by a non-ownership of real wealth, for this leaves 
all citizens free in all their various phases of humanity. 
They can swell or shrink to suit each his own personal in- 
spirations, and are only amenable one to another when they 
infringe on each others' rights. This sort of order consti- 
tutes a perfect republic, with man free in all of his human- 
ity to act in accord with his highest inspirations, always re- 
pelling all temptations to wrong his fellows, or himself to 
be wronged. 

The other mode at once robs him of all his individuality, 
his ambition and manhood. It coops him up, as did Saint 
Patrick his last big snake, and casts him into the lake of 
anarchy, there to be enslaved by the ghost of a nonentity, 
called a commune of men, where none have a distinctive in- 
dividuality, for all sense of honor, ambition, or pride of 
distinction of manhood are dead — a heterogeneous mass of 
conquered intellects; destitute of morals; slunk back into 
chaotic and moral death — end of humanity on earth — and 
shame to the designer of man as the conqueror of the uni- 
verse. For the mighty voice of the soul of the universe 
(the God) exclaims: ''Man shall rule! Man shall be free, 
for man is capable of self-government." Therefore every 
man must control his own affairs, and rule them absolutely 
after his own tastes ; if not, he is not free, and humanity is 
a failure. 



APPENDIX. 341 



But iii those days the present jury system will be done 
away with, and judges of law will take their place. A 
new code of law pleadings will supersede the present stat- 
utory system. In the new system the guide to the line of 
rights will be traced from the primaries in their individual 
constitutional essences, as is the case in the primary atoms 
in physiology. In that the atom is eternally the same, and 
its law never changes. This principle holds good with all 
the atoms of the universe in their classes, both as while in 
their compounds or as simples. These properties constitute 
their chemicals, and are the base of all physicalities, as are 
the liquid sounds of the alphabet the base of orthography 
in forming words. Therefore, by analogy, a similar law is 
found in the atoms that fit them for their union in all 
physical forms, as are the liquid sounds of the letters in 
orthography; also, the mind in its classes of thoughts, 
combine in the same way to form ideas, these ideas to form 
opinions, and these opinions to form judgments, which are 
the ultimate of the laws of the primary thoughts combined. 
This certainly is a proper and good system of induction and 
deduction as to the laws of physical nature, as well as to 
metaphysics. This now being discovered, we have a rule 
whereby to judge correctly of any disputed right, by 
tracing it back to the primaries, then out through all their 
combinations, which constitutes an infallible judgment. 

And, as with the chemical properties of the atoms, w T hich 
properties are retained through all material phenomena, so 
too are the individual rights of man continued in and 
through all possible combinations of corporations that man's 
wonderful nature fits him for. 

These first principles are contained in man's involuntary 



342 APPENDIX. 

nature, as are the chemicals in the atoms which precede 
physiology and are continued in anatomy. 

These the scientists are forced to acknowledge as the base 
of all science, as these princip es force themselves upon 
man's conscious nature, thereby educating him in her sys- 
tems of law as they are in her various departments. He 
(man) calls them the sciences, or the eternal laws of the 
universe as reflected from his own soul through his mind. 
As the mind is universal, and all first principles are con- 
tained therein, to him the rule of right is innate in the mind, 
and can always be found by tracing it to its first principle. 
This is judgment: " to do unto others as it is written on 
his own soul." 

The above is the base of our new code of law pleadings, 
which we may yet add to this book. Its principles are all 
contained in and scattered throughout this book ; all that 
is needed is to arrange them in their proper order. Their 
true base can be found in the essay on social chaos, pages 
277 to 282. But a more thorough treatment of all these 
matters can be found in our book, called "The Empire of 
the Mind," an encyclopedia of a new system of thought, in 
a series of lectures on the constitutional nature of the uni- 
verse and man. 

I would advise all who really wish to make themselves 
masters of ethics, whereby they will be enabled to judge 
rightly of their own rights under all circumstances, as well 
as to judge between their fellows, as accidents may force 
them to do, or to enable them to live a blameless life as 
well as to be of the greatest possible use as citizens ; I say to 
such, that in the above "Empire of the Mind" they will 
find the most exhaustive treatise of man ever written ; the 
bases of both the physical universe and man are traced to 



APPENDIX. 343 



their minutiae, and niau, in all his attributes, is thoroughly 
analyzed. Then when we can read and comprehend man 
and the physical universe as a book we will be ready to 
apply the new code of law pleadings, as it is naught but 
the application of the law of the eternal fitness of things, 
or the uses and logic of the universe. 

AN APOLOGY. 

In writing the essay called " Defense of rationalism as a 
Guide in Law," we had no thought of making it a part of 
the "Statesman's Guide," therefore the recurrence of the 
classification of natural rights is found one time more in 
this book than was at first intended ; and to strike it out 
would carry with it many valuable thoughts and ideas; 
therefore it was thought best to leave it as it was, as it is 
well for the student of ethics to become perfectly familiar 
with this system of classification. It occurs four or five 
times in the book, each time under different circumstances. 
Also "The commercial congress or court of arbitration" is 
several times described ; but none the worse for being re- 
peated, as these two matters should be forever present in 
all men's minds, therefore we leave them unabridged. 

Note : That the categories must be maintained in their 
logical order, unconfouuded in relation to the genera and 
species of ethics, the same as in all departments of natural 
science, especially in relation to the criminality of an action 
charged to time ; the quality of the action determines its 
criminality, and not the time in which it was committed, 
as time can not change a virtuous act into a criminal one. 



344 APPENDIX. 



BEING ITS BASE. 



In the following notes we propose comparing the matters 
at issue between certain two factions, not only in Cincin- 
nati, but throughout the American Union of states, namely, 
the "Sunday laws." In Cincinnati, the rationalistic party 
denominate themselves as the "League for Right and Lib- 
erty." Its opponents take the name of "Law and Order" 
party. 

It seems strange to those versed in the science of ethics 
how two parties claiming the above titular names can be 
at such variance ; so much so that they persecute each 
other to the utmost extent of the law; whilst each, if they 
lived up to what their order claims, could have no cause 
for persecution or complaint, for "right and liberty" means 
the same as " law and order." Liberty means the right of 
choice, and law the rule of order whereby this choice is 
secured to the choser. 

But when we hear their accusations, very especially those 
of the " Law and Order League," then we are not sur- 
prised. We find that they know naught of the science of 
ethics, nor of the limitations of government ; they know 
not when a statute by its nature is nugatory and of no 
moral value ; but claim that the state has the moral right 
to make the citizen bow to her statutes, even if the statute 
is utterly at variance with ethics. Therefore they say to 
the rationalists, "Your reason is not a proper guide in 
matters of right and wrong, neither is your conscience, for 
reason is the father of the conscience." 

"But," say the rationalists, "we object to this, for with- 
out reason man is not conscious of the difference between 



APPENDIX. 345 



right and wrong, therefore is not responsible morally for 
his actions, as he is a mere idiot. And if this be the case, 
then why arraign the rationalists before a judge who you 
claim will adjudicate the case irrationally?" This proves 
the Law and Order League to be as the rationalists claim, 
" hypocrites," for they very well know that reason sits on 
the throne of the civilization of the nineteenth century — 
controls all the colleges and manufactories — directs the 
commerce of the world — reason, the vicegerent of heaven 
— reason, by which God perfects man — reason, by which 
men adjudge themselves privately — reason, by which God 
in man adjudges all things — reason, the king and ruler of 
man's intellectual faculties, who sits upon the throne of 
man's moral nature — reason, the grand light, w T hich, as a^ 
sun, lights man's pathway through the eternities — reason, 
that clothes the soul in the garb of a god, and distinguishes 
him from all other beings. But some will say that we 
make the case too strong. Not a bit of it, as the reader 
will see when he reads the following : 

On the 24th of March, 1886, I handed to the editor of 
the Cincinnati "Times-Star" the following notes to be 
printed as a reply to certain charges it had made against 
the honorable speakers who addressed the rationalists in 
Turners Hall. They kept the manuscripts under advise- 
ment for several days. The assistant editor claimed that 
they were too extensive to publish, but referred us to the 
editor-in-chief. He also kept them for some time, but 
finally refused to publish them, alleging as an excuse there- 
for "that they would lead to discussion, a thing that they 
did not want, as they did not subscribe to reason as a 
proper guide for man to live by." I asked him "if he did 
not consider that educated reason was the best light man 



346 APPENDIX. 



had to guide him in his progress of civilization?" He said 
"No; that men by reason would differ; that reason was 
not safe, nor a thing to be trusted." I asked him, "Then, 
sir, why do you carry this matter into our courts, if the 
judge is to be barred the use of his reason?" "If, and if; 
why that alters the case ; for if we have a good case, then 
we want him to use his reason ; but if our case is bad, then 
we object to his reason, as we prefer the oyster — the man of 
faith, and not the man who reasons. 

We will now give the documents as they were in the 
"Times-Star;" but before we give them, we will say that 
our interview with the editor-in-chief has had a good effect 
upon him, for he has ceased to use such vituperous lan- 
guage against the friends of "freedom and right;" and, 
"consequently, we hope, when he reads this, he will come to 
his right senses, and thank God that he is still possessed of 
his reason, and out of the lunatic asylum. Here are the 
notes, as stated above : 

To the Editor of the Cincinnati Times-Star: 

Sie — In reading the second column on fourth page of 
the "Times-Star" of March 23, 1886, we find some very 
unfair statements made against the opponents of the Sun- 
day laws and their speakers. They are accused of being 
apologists of vice and crime, ranking them with the Mor- 
mons, etc. This is certainly not the fact. They in no case 
plead for an extenuation or palliation of vice, but demand 
strict justice in all cases. They claim that the Sunday law 
has been perverted from its original design, it then being 
designed as a law of protection of the servant against the 
master, the child against its parents, and even the brute 
against its owner. It was nature's habeas corpus of all 



APPENDIX. o47 

living beings against the selfish tyranny of man. But the 
Law and Order party have perverted it from being a pro- 
tection of individual rights to an aggressive law, thereby 
robbing men of the very rights the law originally was in- 
tended to protect them in. But, in America, the necessity 
of this law has become obsolete, for our government guar- 
antees to all citizens the right of the pursuit of happiness, 
thereby admitting the unrestrained right of choice ; for 
the government itself is built upon this grand annunciation, 
that "man is capable of self-government;" and if so, then 
this should end the controversy on this question, and the 
statute should be repealed as obnoxious to the American 
principle of government. 

It should be recollected that at the age of the world 
when this statute was first promulgated, the idea of self- 
government had never yet entered the head of man ; 
might was then the rule of right. Not the first inkling of 
a shade of a system of ethics had yet dawned on the mind 
of man. Slavery and tyranny were rampant in every cor- 
ner of the world ; man owned man as a beast. A prodigy 
of the race of man is born, who issues this edict, and backs 
it with force. Thus the first seeds of civilization were 
planted among the ancient nomads ; protective in its nature, 
and not aggressive on those who are already free, on such 
it was non-operative. And as the Americans are already 
free, the Sunday law is a surplusage in ethics, as will be 
seen when we subject it to an ethical criticism. 
We will again return to the matter in question : 
The question was asked, " Has the manufacturer a right 
to run his factory on Sunday?" We answer, Yes ; but he 
must run it by the help of those who of their own accord 
are willing to help him; but he can not coerce them, 



348 APPENDIX. 



neither can lie coerce them at any other time. And again 
it was asked, if a man had a right to run his shop twenty- 
four hours, or continually? We answer, most assuredly he 
has, if men of their own accord will work for him ; or, he 
may operate his factory the whole year, day and night, for 
the right of contract has never been denied, nor the choice 
of the pursuit of happiness been abridged to any one who 
is sane of mind. This is Americanism. 

We think the above is a fair statement of the antagon- 
istic views of our churchmen and their opponents the 
rationalists. The rationalists have decidedly the advantage 
in this dispute. They claim that reason is man's guide ; 
that reason sits on the bench of our courts and judges the 
grade of criminality by the grade of intelligence of the 
accused. 

The government of the United States pays no attention 
to the Sunday ordinance as of any moral force, only at 
certain times, as a matter of courtesy to the Christian citi- 
zen ; her ships do not stop in midocean, cast anchor until 
Monday, nor do her armies halt or battles cease. 

It is the Sunday question which is at issue in this discus- 
sion, and not that of the concert saloons, theaters, or any 
other ^ place of public amusement. It is the question of, 
"Can an act be virtuous six days, and the same act vicious 
on the seventh? Can an act be morally virtuous five days 
twenty-three hours fifty-nine minutes and fifty-nine seconds, 
and the very next second become vicious and stay vicious 
just twenty-four hours, and then again instantly be virtu- 
ous ?" So says the Law and Order party, and prosecutes 
its offenders upon the above logic. But every rationally 
honest man will say, Get out with such humbuggery, for 
all things that are unlawful on Sunday are equally unlaw- 



APPENDIX. 349 



ful on all other days, and should be suppressed. So say 
the rationalists, and so also says the science of ethics. 

The churches are injuring themselves in this controversy. 
We say and advise them to let the coercive Sunday law go. 
Let each and all keep it after their own notion, join hands 
with all lovers of humanity, and suppress vice in all its 
shapes wherever found. I for myself am not a Christian, 
yet of all the institutions of ancient times that have come 
down to us, the Sunday is worth more than them all, but 
not a forced Sunday. 

We said the churches are injuring themselves in this 
controversy, and doing no good as reformers. They are 
stirring up the masses, and embittering them against them- 
selves. They, the masses, look upon it as a prelude to the 
exalting of the Church over the state, for a Sabbath by 
"force is the prelude to a religion by law. And yet more : 
the churches underrate the power they are contending 
with. That force which put the Bible out of the public 
schools will also put the Sunday out of our laws, and ex- 
punge it from the book of statutes, for three-fourths of the 
American people are not Christians. The churches are 
looked upon as fossilized relics of ancient superstition. 
Hundreds of thousands, and even millions, of their oppo- 
nents are experimental religionists, yet are not Christians. 
The spiritualists themselves number at least twelve mill- 
ions, all religious, but not one of them a Christian. And 
this thing of persecuting them by law, and imprisoning 
your neighbors for mere difference of opinion, will lead to 
the shedding of blood, and will convince your opponents 
that you are not the true followers of the peaceful Naz- 
arene. 

Turn your attention against known vice ; seek the most 



350 APPENDIX. 



degraded orders first ; lay siege to Bucktown a few months ; 
try your Christian influences there. Watch that sort of 
instinct in all parts of the city, and while you are watching 
it keep an eye on the drunken saloons, and if they violate 
the rules of decency report them as nuisances, and have 
them abated. Then we will all sing hallelujah ; God bless 
the Law and Order League. And the Turngemeind will 
say, "Amen ! Give us your hands, brothers." 

I will here add my private opinion ; that is, that perse- 
cution will never lead to reformation, but will always breed 
dissension. 

Here follows the second note to the " Times-Star," pre. 
ceded by the article upon which the note is a comment. 
From the " Times-Star," March 24, 1886 : 

"Arrogant law-breakers claim to follow the dictates of 
reason. The law of the land is to be pushed aside for rea- 
son, etc." 

"Defense of rationalism (second note) : 'A man without 
reason has no judgment, and a man without judgment is 
an idiot ; but a man who can reason and pass judgment 
but makes bad use thereof is a fool. So the man who dis- 
penses with and disparages reason acts very unwisely and 
unjustly with himself.' " 

Health, reason, and a bright intellectuality, these are 
among the greatest blessings God has given to man ; and it 
is the greatest act of sacrilege to abuse or disparage them. 
Keason is the light that God has set in the soul whereby to 
guide it in the pathway of rectitude. Without reason man 
is not accountable either to God or men ; without it he is 
an idiot ; and if he has lucid spells, then dark ones, he is a 
lunatic, or is moonstruck. We hope that our friend who 



APPENDIX. 351 



wrote the above disparagement of reason did not mean as 
he wrote; if so, then he should explain himself; or, does 
he wish to establish an era when men shall be as senseless 
as oysters — perfectly irrational and irresponsible? 

Why, my friend, your doctrine kills itself. Such -men 
can never be religious, for a fool's religion is his self-conceit 
and egotistic folly. Such ones are always the leaders of 
persecution — men with beams in their own eyes pulling out 
the imaginary motes they conceive they see in their neigh- 
bors' eyes — gouging out the eyes in their ignorant zeal for 
their neighbors' good, they being blind for want of reason ; 
they all land together in the ditch of discordance, where 
reason is a stranger. 

But the rationalists say, drop this persecution, and let us 
in this disputation give to the world a brighter light, a 
sharper reason, and a more noble idea of religion, with a 
higher idea of statesmanship. 

Now, my friends, the shoe is on the other foot ; we are 
not the arrogant law-breakers, as the above note accuses us 
of being; we keep the law that God has given to all man- 
kind, by which they judge of good and evil, and by which 
they themselves will be judged ; that is, by educated rea- 
son. We do not subscribe to the religion of the oyster, 
nor the government of those without reason. 

We think that the Sunday question should be discussed 
fairly and without acrimony. Neither party should assume 
the role of the abandon or that of the blackguard, but 
should bring forth such matters as will enlighten the peo- 
ple in relation to their individual rights as well as their 
duties to the community. If we will do this, then great 
good may grow out of this controversy. The question is 
not that either party are the apologists of vice in any form, 



352 APPENDIX. 



but the tyranny of the Sunday Jaw, when it is made ag- 
gressive in place of protective, is the question. As an 
aggressive law it becomes obsolete, and as protective law, it 
should be remodeled and its sphere defined. This is all we 
claim. 

Judge Hagans says: "This question is not a political 
one." Therefore we say it is not within the legislative 
sphere, it being purely individual in its nature. 

All questions that pertain to the legislative in their 
nature are political, and the courts have jurisdiction there- 
of; but those matters that are purely individual, and are 
non-complex in their nature, are entirely independent of 
the state, consequently are not w T ithin the jurisdiction of its 
courts. Therefore, the state preceding its courts, and it 
having no authority over the incomplex interests of the 
citizen, can not prescribe a line or mode of rest ; only those 
who are her wards, such as have lost their right of liberty 
and freedom of action ; whose liberty is suppressed by 
force ; of these the state is their guardian, also their pro- 
tector against coercion. Here the person protected by the 
state becomes its ward for the time. Just so far as protec- 
tion is necessary, all laws in America are the same ; that 
is, protective and not aggressive. (We mean, that this is 
the ethics of Americanism.) Therefore those who seek to 
execute a statute of coercion on matters which have no 
complexity are not friends of law and order, but are breed- 
ers of discord and disorder. In their zeal they violate the 
most sacred laws of man's nature, thereby robbing him not 
only of his money, but his dearest rights ; namely, that of 
self-control and private judgment ; the pleasure of thought 
in the free mind, as well as those of taste, both belonging 
to the same class of rights, which are strictly private until 



APPENDIX. 353 

abused, and thereby infringe upon the social and ethical 
department. 

In the first two orders of government there are no ethics, 
consequently no morals. In the first order form dispenses 
with force ; that is, controls force according to the laws of 
universal geometry. In the second order man dispenses 
with force in his actions, which are dictated by his will 
power, being governed by the idea of self-good. In neither 
of these orders of government is there the first shade of 
ethics, and both of these orders of government precede the 
conventional ; yet these orders exist at all times therein, 
independent of the conventional, they being the base of the 
conventional and superior thereto, whilst in the conven- 
tional is the only place that ethics exists ; and where ethics 
does not exist, there neither the state nor its courts have 
the first shade of authority ; and in these two preceding 
departments all sumptuary and religious matters belong. 
Therefore we claim that the Sunday is not within the legis- 
lative sphere, nor is it within the scope of the legislature 
to prescribe to the citizen when to work and when to cease 
therefrom, or how r he shall spend his leisure time ; but it is 
the duty of the state to protect the citizen in his choice, if, 
in his actions, he does not infringe upon others. 

We again quote Judge Hagans : "Suppose the legisla- 
ture of Ohio should repeal the act relating to common labor 
on the Sabbath, and from the same motives of justice and 
public policy should select Thursday as the day on which 
there should be a cessation from common labor ; would the 
league for liberty and right still oppose the enforcement of 
the law?" We answer, most assuredly; for it would 
be a mere subterfuge or an evasion of the matter in ques- 
tion, as both acts are outside of the authority of the state. 



354 APPENDIX. 

First, as a religious matter, we object to any special day ; 
second, as a physical day of rest, it would be an act of 
tyranny to force any set day of rest. But, as a free social 
day, free from all coercion, a grand jubilee for all societies 
to keep or not to keep ; just to suit themselves, each after 
their own order ; but not a Sunday by statute, but by mu- 
tual consent. This is what we want, one that needs no 
statute nor tyrant to enforce ; the people's day, wherein 
the nation will show the grade of their civilization by the 
noble order of their conduct. 

What a miserable excuse for piracy is this ; that is, if a 
man uses his own judgment and chooses to forego this pre- 
scribed rest and works, the state therefor treats him as a 
criminal, and robs hkn of five dollars, and imprisons him ; 
upon what grounds or principles of ethics is this done? 
There is nothing that will justify it, therefore it is an un- 
scrupulous act of robbery without a shade of the moral law 
to justify it, even if a thousand statutes should urge and 
sanction it. Such an order of buccaneering is what the 
Law and Order League wants. 

Reverend Mr. Lockwood says (from " Times-Star ") : 
"Then, again, he would have it that the question is not a 
religious one any more than are those statutes of the crim- 
inal code which prescribe a penalty for theft, adultery, or 
any other of the crimes that disgrace humanity." 

Poor ignoramus, who sets himself up as a light for oth- 
ers, yet does not know that they are not of the same genus, 
nor of the same species of rights in the scale of ethics. 
The first belongs to the third estate of man's nature, 
wherein he is independent of all beings in the universe, 
and is not within the limits of social law, therefore out- 
side of the jurisdiction of the state or any of its various 



APPENDIX. 355 

departments, consequently his acts can not be criminal. 
The second order named by Mr. Lockwood, namely, " theft, 
adultery, and other crimes," these are in the fourth estate 
of man's nature, namely, "the social," which is the legis- 
lative and judiciary ; here ethics rule, and reason sits as 
judge to adjudicate all cases by its classification of the eter- 
nal laws of ethics. And when such cases come up the 
judge first examines the case, and if he finds it to belong 
to either of the three first estates of man's nature that pre- 
cedes the fourth, which is the social and conventional, he 
dismisses it as not being within the jurisdiction of the law 
or its court, as it has no ethics in it, and is only subject to 
the power that rules the department wherein it originated. 
If in the first department, nature rules there by its cosmic 
laws ; but if in the third department, man rules there as 
an independent sovereign. And here is where all rights 
have their original base, and this is the center from whence 
we measure the degrees of right and wrong — from the at- 
tribute of the eternal entity — the life of the soul. This is 
the sphere of the " Caesars," where even God is denied juris- 
diction. And here is where the Sunday comes in, and is 
man's day independent of both God's and men — the Friday 
of the ancient Germans — not God's day, but man's day. 
The other six days were all given to some one particular 
personal god. In our order of days, the first is the Suns- 
dav ; the second, the Moons-day ; third, the demi-god 
Twisga ; the fourth is Woedens-day ; fifth, Thors (Jupiter) 
or Thunders-day ; sixth, Mans-day, as a Frei-day from the 
tyranny of the gods ; seventh day is Saturns-day. This is 
all mythological or cosmo-theological, and none of it is re- 
tained as sacred but the present Sunday, wrought into a 
complexity with the Germans' Friday, called Sunday. 



356 APPENDIX. 



But to return. When the judge finds the case belongs 
to neither the first nor the third department, but is inter- 
mediate between the two ; that is, the first and third, or 
what is in ethics called the relative sphere of God and man 
or the second estate in ethics. This is the religious depart- 
ment. And even here there is no ethics, it being a matter 
of no outsider's business. But if the judge, in analyzing 
the matter, finds that it belongs to the fourth estate, that 
is, the relative and conventional, the relative complexity of 
the case will be found by its ethical classification, for no- 
where in man's orbital nature is there the first inkling of 
ethics, nor the possibility of crime but in the social ; and, 
by the classification natural to ethics, will the degree of 
criminality be found by the use of reason. This is cer- 
tainly the case, and if so, then Mr. Lockwood is utterly 
Avrong, for theft and murder can never occur in either of 
the three first departments ; for, in the first, no one can 
steal from God ; and, in the second, no one can either steal 
or murder ; for man is alone, and all he can do is to violate 
the laws of his own being, producing insanity. And this 
very act throws the matter out of the third into the fourth 
and complex sphere, and the person loses the right of the 
third sphere, and henceforth is the ward of the state until 
be again is capable of self-government, he having been a 
lunatic for the while. 

Now the question is, in what part, or to what depart- 
ment does these matters complained of belong? as eating, 
drinking, and clothing belong to the third department of 
rights, and are entirely outside of the sphere of ethics or 
the jurisdiction of the courts, for no one is infringed upon 
or has a right of complaint. The right to life, liberty, and 
pursuit of happiness also belongs to this class, and is un- 



APPENDIX. 357 



abridged so long as no impingements occur on others' simi- 
lar rights. These impingements are the commencement 
aud basis of all crimes, for of all rights the individual 
rights are the first and most sacred ; and the injury the in- 
dividual sustains is what determines the grade of crime and 
its penalties. 

These are the bases whereby we measure the degrees of 
crime, and the very idea of ethics consists in the knowledge 
of the degrees or the removes from this central point. (See 
"Statesman's Guide," pages 277 to 282.) Therefore it 
seems strange to us that men whose profession or trade is to 
teach ethics that they should be so wofully ignorant that 
they themselves do not know A from Z in ethics, forgetting 
that they themselves become criminals by invading the 
sacred domain of the reserved rights of the individual. 
No state by a statute can justify them. They are robbers 
and criminals when they enter this sphere, even with the 
hypocritical name of "Law and Order League " attached 
to them, or "Reverend" Messrs. 

The Sabbath does not belong to the state ; it belongs to 
the individual in his incomplex state, for the Sabbath is for 
man individually ; it secures him where the state and the 
neighbor must forbear with their hands off. The violation 
of law is quite another thing ; it does not depend on what 
day the act is committed, or the meteoric condition of the 
weather, but must be an outrage on man in his social 
capacities ; so that, if the concert saloons violate the social 
laws, not only the concert saloons but all other places of 
resort within the social circle. Then we say correct them 
according to law T ; that is, according to the rule found in 
ethics, for statute is not law where ethics is opposed there- 
to, for ethics defines what are the eternal laws of nature ; 



358 appendix. 

and if a statute is proved to be contrary thereto, the statute 
is not law, and no one is under any obligation to conform 
thereto ; but it is their moral duty to ignore the unlawful 
statute. If known by the executor, the execution of an 
unlawful statute is a crime ; and the refusal to bow thereto 
is a virtue. 

Now, sirs, after reviewing all the premises in this dis- 
pute, and being equally zealous for law and order, liberty 
and right with our antagonists, we are forced to the follow- 
ing conclusions : First, that men by nature differ in their 
tastes in relation to physical matters, therefore should be 
allowed to make their own choice in sumptuary matters ; 
second, they also differ equally in their veneration for that 
which is called divine, therefore must be allowed to worship 
that which their several reasons dictate to them. There- 
fore, admitting the above premises as true, there must be a 
code of laws as statutes enacted which shall protect each 
in their several individual tastes and religious convictions, 
thereby harmonizing all. For this purpose we will refer 
the reader to pages 281 to 286 of this book. 

Thus we have referred the reader for several reasons. 
First, this book is the only work that contains a perfect 
system of ethics ; second, that the reader may try the pres- 
ent system of statutory laws thereby ; third, after seeing 
their woful inconsistency and the tyranny there is in their 
execution, and knowing that they will be repealed and ex- 
punged from our statute books ; and in order that worse 
ones may not replace them, we have quoted from the same 
book the suggested statutes that should take their place, 
statutes in perfect accord with ethics. It would be well for 
those who seem so tenacious of their moral and physical 
rights if they would carefully read this book, especially the 



APPENDIX. 359 



chapter on the neuter sphere of man's rights — the social 
chaos — the basis of all government (pages 277 to 282). 
For without such knowledge it is as uusafe to legislate for 
the masses as it is to sail a ship in the vast ocean without 
either chart or compass, for we neither know where we are 
or when we are safe. These books can be gotten by ad- 
dressing the author, Johu Senff, in Cincinnati, Ohio. 

A word in conclusion : To the " Law and Order League " 
we would say, Messrs. , if you really wish to achieve what 
you pretend to, then act a little more consistent, namely : 
when your judges speak of the validity of statutes, let 
them first master the science of ethics, then they will know 
what constitutes law ; and your right reverend gentlemen, 
before they prate about man's eternal welfare, let them 
master the full science of cosmogony and cosmo-theology ; 
then master all the sciences that pertain to the medical 
profession, very especially hygiene, and how the food is 
turned to blood ; and how the blood is turned to fibrine ; 
and what force it is that dispenses with this fibrine ; what 
it is that separates the ingredients in their rapid motions 
through the arteries, carrying each in and through its 
proper channel to its proper place. Then, sirs, you will 
exclaim with myself: 

My body, it is my own, 

For myself I did make it. 
Each particle came alone, 

From my blood T did take it. 

Each its proper course doth take, 

Being inspired by the soul. 
Its fellows it doth forsake, 

Moves toward its neutral pole. 



360 APPENDIX. 



In every part of the brain 
There dwells a corresponding power, 

That will resuscitate, and bring again 
The wasted matter of each hour. 

The albumen is taken to the eye, 
While the phosphates go to the bone ; 

Silica form the hair on high, 
Each seeks its place and goes alone. 

Now, sir, my reverend friend, when you have learned all 
the economy of the brain, and the philosophy of how the 
soul is connected therewith, you will be somewhat of a 
psychologist, and also a psychometrist ; then you will know 
somewhat about homotheology, and can tell whether it is 
god the cosmic, or god the homic, that dispenses with these 
recuperative forces in the brain and blood ; so that, let you 
come to whatever conclusion you may, you will find your 
Sunday question answered thereby; for, if it is god the 
cosmic, then, sir, why do you meddle therewith, when God 
himself is running the machine? and if it is the indwel- 
ling immortal, the homic god, running it by its own unerr- 
ing involuntary polarity as originally set there by the great 
Jehovah, as you yourself believe, then why, sir, do you 
meddle therewith when you know and acknowledge that 
God placed an engineer therein (the soul) that in every 
fiber corresponds to the machine? Man, man, do you not 
know that this is sacrilege? Take your hands off, for if 
God is the Master, you are not His vicegerent, for he is 
therein, and lives there ; and if the soul is the supreme 
controller, as I claim it to be, then again I say, take your 
hands off, for the soul has not abdicated its body, but is 
lord and master thereof. Now, sir, as you are not master 



APPENDIX. 361 



of these sciences, you are a blind leader of the blind ; you 
are injuring your cause most wofully. All reformation is 
begotten by the expressed dissatistaction of those whom the 
law oppresses ; and there is no virtue in tamely submitting 
to unrighteous laws, uor honor in enforcing them. 

NOTE BY ANALOGY OF A MICROSCOPIC VIEW OF A CASE BY 

LAW. 

The physiologists of this age, by the use of the micro- 
scope, have made wonderful progress in the heretofore un- 
known mysteries of life and its mode of sustenance ; for by 
this instrument the heretofore hidden paths of life are re- 
vealed, and naught is left invisible but the attributes of 
matter and form, which are inferred by the phenomena of 
their effects. All the physiologist has now to do for this 
purpose is to apply his glass, and the mysteries become 
plain. So, too, with the jurists of the new code of law 
pleadings. They now use eihics as a moral microscope. It 
is the law of moral vision ; and when it is brought to bear 
on a case, all the minutiae of justice and injustice stand 
forth in view, each in its proper proportions with their dis- 
tinctive color. Reason, by comparison, or through com- 
parison, looks directly at them through the law as a micro- 
scope, and adjudges them by their merits and demerits as 
viewed through the law by comparative reason.^ 

If the above illustration of a rule whereby to adjudge a 
case be a just one, then the judge, or jury, as the case may 
be, should set the case before them ; then place the law, as 
the microscope, between themselves and the case, look at it 
through the law, and give the judgment of the law on the 
case in view. This will preclude the idea of precedents as 
rules of judgment on any case. Each case is to be tried on 



362 APPENDIX. 



its own merits as seen through the law, and the judge will 
scorn the idea of begging other men's judgments in prefer- 
ence to his own ; beside all this, the law will not allow him 
to do so, nor will it allow an attorney to quote such decis- 
ions, as all such things will be considered as retrogressive 
in civilization. The judge must look straight at the case 
through the law as a microscope, and keep the attorneys 
upon the straight and narrow path of eternal justice, for 
this is the object of the judiciary. Gambling attorneys and 
incompetent judges and juries will forever -be dispensed 
with when our new system of education' and qualification 
for office is once in vogue. Neither will justice die by lim- 
itation of statute and villainy be immortalized, nor the un- 
scrupulous scoundrel be protected by statute against his 
forbearing victim, as a premium on scoundrelism at the 
expense of honesty. Hereafter no statute which is unjust 
dare obstruct the path of justice, as righteousness itself will 
be enthroned on the bench of our judiciary. No imps or 
pettifoggers will be admitted. Then saintly and scientific 
men can only fill the measure of our judiciary, or hold any 
office within its circle. 

MOTTO FOR THE NEW JUDICIARY*. 

No limitation to the life of justice or her right to claim 
its execution, as her demands are eternal and ever live to 
cry for redress until she receives an equivalent to her de- 
mands; therefore, all statutes that bar her demands and 
declare her dead by limitation of time are criminal, besides 
being injurious in morals, as thereby giving a premium to 
scoundrelism and setting a penalty upon honesty and gen- 
erosity of character. 

No honest man will or can benefit bv a statute of limita- 



APPENDIX. 363 



tion to the claims of justice, but pays his honest debts as 
soon as he can, and would scorn the idea of being relieved 
therefrom by statute, as the divine voice of justice would 
still cry to his soul: " Cleanse thyself, pay thy honest 
debts, as God will not absolve thee therefrom; for these 
statutes are the statutes of iniquity, begotten by villainous 
legislators for hellish purposes, by which those imps of 
iniquity called 'shysters at law' — mere villainous black- 
guards who pervert justice— degrade the judiciary by being 
employed by dishonest scoundrels to free them from the 
payment of their honest debts by the use of these infernal 
statutes, which declare that justice has died, and its counter 
—injustice — lives to feast on the gains of her death." 

But under the new code this motto is, that the judge and 
jury are bound by the eternal laws of justice, irrespective 
of all statutes to the contrary ; and if they see the path of 
justice and her just claims, they will decide the case in ac- 
cord therewith. They will not then say, as they now do : 
"I know that is right, and that justice demands it, but the 
statute stands in the way." There is no better evidence 
than this that the statute should be ignored, as justice can 
not be, for her cries still ring in all men's souls ; and if not 
heeded by the court, her cries, as the voice of thunder, 
shake the superstructure of our civilization, and God comes 
to her rescue by final revolution, by which our iniquitous 
institutions are swept away, and a more refined civilization 
follows. 

The author, by these expositions, wishes to expose to the 
public the secret cankerous nature of our judiciary, which, 
by its position in our civilization, is its crest or ultimate; 
and, as its head, it will diffuse its virus throughout the 
whole body, poisoning it to death. Therefore the author 



364 APPENDIX. 



points to this, its chief ulcer, as a matter that needs the 
skill of an expert political and ethical surgeon to cut out 
this deadly cankerous ulcer before it kills, by its corrup- 
tion, the entire body. 

PRELUDE TO THE NEW CODE OF LAW PLEADINGS. 

Before we enter upon this new code of pleadings, we 
must refer the reader to several illustrations thereof already 
made in this book, as thereby we will obviate the necessity 
of a repetition of the same: First — The classification of 
the natural rights of things, pages 81 to '88. Second — In 
mock trial of Moses, pages 123 to 151. Third — Classifica- 
tion of ethics, pages 264 to 282. Fourth — For govern- 
mental chaos, or the base of all rights, pages 277 to 281. 
Fifth — The defense of rationalism as a guide in law, which 
precedes this essay, pages 344 to 361. 

The following is the basis of the new code of law plead- 
ings, for, by analogy, we must gain a knowledge of nature's 
classification : First — Of her genera. Second — Of their 
species. Third — Of their differentias, whereby the species 
are divided into classes. Fourth — The line of similes, or 
the generic line which unites the species into groups, as 
subaltern genera. Fifth — These subaltern genera, by the 
general principle of the same in each species being, contin- 
ued in the subalterns, unites them into one grand genus, 
called the " summum genus." This summum genus, by a 
principle of the same in each species, holds them together 
as a grand family. The generic line of sameness in each 
species as is in their mother genus chains them together, as 
does a thread a lot of beads into a string. The simile as 
the thread is the line to follow in order to judge the rela- 
tionship of the two species. They being alike in but one 



APPENDIX. 365 



particular essence, while all their other properties differ, 
their relationship will be judged by their degree of similar- 
ity and dissimilarity of properties — never forgetting that 
the differentias as differentias are also classified, and that 
all with the exact same differentias are of the same species 
of the same genus. Therefore, every differentia, in that 
wherein it differs from all other species, is a simile in all of 
its own class, constituting a species of the same genus; so 
that, by this peculiarity, it can be distinguished from all 
other species, and its true relation to all of its sister species 
can thereby be known, as well as its relation to its mother 
genus is known by its per cent of the generic simile of 
sameness which holds it in the family as a species, the same 
as the thread holds the beads in a string by their eyes. In 
geometry the same rule holds good in relation to forms, as 
also in optics it holds in colors. 

The above rule of classification holds good in all of the 
three kingdoms of nature — the mineral, the vegetable and 
the animal kingdoms — and this is the base of their logic, 
and by analogy it is the base of the logic of metaphysics, 
and the guide to pure ethics and infallible judgment in all 
courts of justice. 

By analogy the generic line in ethics is that wherein all 
men's interests become a common interest, and only di- 
verges therefrom by personal differences of peculiarities. 
Each of these peculiarities is sacred to the individual 
possessing them. As this peculiarity has nothing in com- 
mon with any one else, therefore the possessor has the right 
of liberty of action within this peculiarity, and is entirely 
outside of the laws of the commune, provided that in this 
they abstain from encroaching on the same peculiarities of 
their fellows ; and if they do, it throws it into the conven- 



APPENDIX. 



tional state, and it becomes actionable at law, as they have 
no right of immergence into their fellows' affairs in any 
thing, if it does not partake in some measure of the com- 
munistic, or that which is common in interest to both, or 
belongs to the generic line of similes. 

With the dissimiles, the officer, as soon as he steps 
within their circle, is a wrong-doer and criminal, as no 
authority ever enters here ; it is private and sacred as are 
the courts of heaven. 

Thus the first state of man is the morally chaotic, wherein 
he corresponds to the single atom in physiology. In this 
chaos he is a law unto himself, as are the particles of mat- 
ter in their chemicals. Here he worships God and com- 
munes with Him. Herein he is religious or irreligious. 
These sentiments prompt him to merge himself into society 
(this is socialism), or the religion of common humanity (to 
love the neighbor), which is the prelude to communism, 
which communism is itself perfectly organized government. 
This government, in order to conserve in its purity the 
general interests of the community, must to the shade pro- 
tect the individual in his rights, as the A of all rights. 
Knowing that all social rights are but compounds of indi- 
vidual rights, as deduced from personal chaos or first prin- 
ciples, the same, as the result of individual combination, 
produces the natural social sentiments in all mem 

All rights, until they are infringed upon, are in the cha- 
otic state. Even if the personalty is a corporation, its 
rights are individual, and must be righted upon the princi- 
ple of its individuality when out of the social circle of 
other corporations, as when in social chaos; for all rights 
have their base in that which precedes the conventional or 
the dual ; yet all these rights, when infringed upon, are 



APPENDIX. 367 



tried in the courts of the conventional by the laws that by 
nature obtain in the non-conventional ; that is, by the laws 
of natural justice. 

The conventional duty is to protect the individual in 
those rights they have independently and innately of them- 
selves, or those rights that precede society, as is stated on 
pages 277 to 287. 

As soon as an incomplexity of rights, or the rights of 
many individuals, are merged into one pure complex right, 
then the incomplexity ceases, and they assume a generic 
character, called the " commune." This is the highest pos- 
sible order of socialism. In this the individual ceases to be 
in chaos, w T hile still in all his other interests he may be 
therein. 

It must be understood that no conventional law can ever 
enter a state of chaos, no more than can anatomy exist in 
chaotic humus ; but still anatomy is fed therefrom, as is 
society from the non-social, and the complex from the non- 
complex ; yejt they can not merge as one or into one, as it 
is a positive contradiction of principles as well as of terms, 
and for that reason man is not amenable to human laws 
while in a state of chaos no more than are the dead. This 
is the point in the new code of pleadings that decides 
whether a case is actionable or not. 

But the most wonderful thing is that the same person 
may be in both states at the same time, as a person may be 
a member of a certain corporation or firm, but in all other 
things non-committal and chaotic ; in the one he is respon- 
sible, but in the other he is not. In a general way, nine- 
tenths of our actions are of that kind that affects no one 
but ourselves, and are private and chaotic, and not subject 
to the social laws of our courts. 



368 APPENDIX. 

Thus the degree of responsibility will always depend on 
the class of moral genus it belongs to, and then to the 
species and their modified differentias. As every case must 
be tried upon its owu merits, the true mode is to see if it is 
generic and primary, and if not generic then to see to what 
differential species it belongs, and then again to see if it is 
primary or secondary in action, as before or after the fact — 
as a causator or an effect. 

As that which is wrong is only known by its infringe- 
ments upon that which is right, the principle of right as a 
moral principle is deduced from the idea of the possibility 
of man's enjoyments of life when unmolested, which implies 
the right of liberty both of mind and body in their actions 
while in the pursuit of this happiness. 

As all have the same rights, they being founded upon 
the similarity of all mankind, both in constitutionality of 
wants and susceptible happiness, these possibilities of satis- 
faction nature guarantees to all, as well the wants as the 
supplies, before they enter into conventional life. These 
nature forces all to reserve and keep sacred at all times 
outside of all conventionalities, as she keeps a reckoning 
herself with all human beings (this is the moral sphere of 
man). Therefore the line of rights that this divides man- 
kind into are these two estates — the conventional and the 
non-conventional. All rights have their base and degree 
marked as taking their roots in the non-conventional of 
nature's moral chaos, which is sacred both to God and man. 
Here, on this verge, the conventional commences between 
man and man, with God to judge between them ; and here 
commences ethics, or the idea of right and wrong. All 
actions here are right that the God in man sanctions by 
mutual consent of those who meet on this outside verge of 



APPENDIX. 369 

the conventional and non-conventional spheres, for God 
rules the Don-conventional, while man rules the conven- 
tional; and here commences the idea of right and wrong. 
The idea of what is right is to yield to all men what nature 
guarantees to them while they are in the non-conventional 
estate, or what God sanctions and prompts, for this is the 
rule of right. As these are men's natural rights, and the 
wrong is the degree in which these rights are violated on 
the verge of the two estates ; and to find a code of ethics 
whereby those who are wronged on this verge can again be 
restored to their natural rights in the conventional courts 
of law — we say, to find this rule, is first to find these first 
rights, then to classify them. This has been done repeat- 
edly in this book ; and the fact is, that the design of this 
book is, and was, to show the limitations of government — 
that is, what the statesman might do, and what he might 
not do; therefore, it is called " The Statesman's Guide." 

Before going any further, we will illustrate the conjunc- 
tion of these two verges that divide the two estates of man 
— the auarcho-chaotic and the conventional estates. They 
are thoroughly described on pages 277 to 281 of this book. 
We will use a geometrical figure — that of the two surfaces 
of the faces of water and the atmosphere. Here are two 
plain positive surfaces, tangible to the eye, yet between 
them there is no space, but each side is positively distinct, 
the one from the other, yet space occupies bcth bodies — the 
water and the air. So, too, do the eternal laws of right 
and justice pervade the two estates of man — jurisprudence 
in the conventional, with man as judge, and the conscience, 
with God as judge, in the non-conventional and chaotic 
estate. Here man, as judge of man, is barred. 

We will now return to the subject in question. The 



370 APPENDIX. 



wrong consists in robbing others of their rights, and justice 
consists in restoring those rights, or an equivalent as com- 
pensation therefor; but the moral penalty is between the 
wrong-doer and God, for here man's authority ends, as he 
can not enter the chaotic for redress, for the least shade of 
an attempt throws it into the conventional estate. 

And this being the case, the people can not be too 
watchful of these courts, as they may become instruments 
of tyranny, and drag the citizen out of the sacred court of 
his inviolable rights and try those rights in the courts of 
conventionalities. When this is done, our liberties are 
gone, and the idea of a code of justice is obliterated ; for 
the court itself becomes the grand violator of law, for it 
has taken the place of God's authority (this is sacrilege), 
and the citizens are enslaved by those who rule these 
courts ; and to return to our God-given rights, and again 
inaugurate them, can only be done by the majority with 
the ballot ; and if the majority coincide with the court, the 
minority must submit to its tyranny, or must seek redress 
by revolution. This is the worst of all remedies, but it is 
the last, and is only justified when there is no other hope. 

"INCOMPLEX EIGHTS." 

The incomplex rights are : 

First — The right of private opinion, private ownership, 
etc. 

Second — The right of self-culture by the citizen, aside 
from a forced education (this is private education while in 
chaos). 

Third — Eights to the mode and use of sustenance of life, 
or non-sumptuary laws. 



APPENDIX. 371 

Fourth — To an unrestrained mind in the pursuit of hap- 
piness. 

Fifth — To the right to be unmolested while not molest- 
ing others, or the rights of civil liberty. 

Sixth — To the right of barter or unrestrained right to 
buy and sell, right of time, and choice of when to buy, etc. 

Seventh — Eight of choice of society, right of social con- 
verse, free speech in lecturing or sermons or newspapers, 
rights of societies as corporations. 

Eightn — Rights of way for personal promenading and 
locomotion, right of transient occupation of sidewalks or 
public highways ; no crime in loitering, as it belongs to the 
right of the pursuit of happiness. 

The above cover a great many of man's natural rights ; 
all belong to the three grand categories of " Life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness." Upon these reserved rights 
the American republic is built, and the violation of any of 
these reserved rights is an attempt at undermining and re- 
moving the foundation of the government, and in its place 
erect a narrow-minded tyranny, with a code of laws con- 
trolled by fanatical cranks, who would precipitate the 
people into a bloody revolution. We will quote but one 
of these monstrous foolish acts, namely, "The Midnight- 
Closing Law." Where can there be found even a hint in 
social ethics to warrant such a statute ; for if a man is free 
to choose and capable to judge wherein his happiness con- 
sists, and knows best when his wants need attending to, 
and the right of contract being guaranteed to him, both by 
nature and the United States Constitution — he having the 
right to buy at all times from whomsoever he pleases or he 
who wills to sell to him, while the owner of properties has 
also the continual right to dispose of his properties to 



372 APPENDIX. 

whomsoever wishes to purchase — he has the natural right 
to keep his goods on continual sale, keep his store open 
continually if he wishes so to do, and all who wish to buy 
from him have the right to do so, and the government's 
duty is to protect them as it has guaranteed to do ; but it 
has no right to meddle with their business in relation to 
time of sale, as the public demand will regulate this, for 
if the public did not patronize the merchant he would not 
keep open his store. And as for the public, our constitu- 
tion considers them capable of self-government ; and if so 
they be, then by statute it should not belie its original 
declaration. 

No, sirs, gentlemen ! Such statutes are unwarrantable 
robberies, and treason against the divine rights of man, for 
all such matters are outside of the legislative sphere, and 
not within the scope of the courts to prosecute ; yet, if de- 
manded, and the case came to court for protection of the 
one who kept open all the time to accommodate his custom- 
ers, the court must protect him in his rights and punish the 
others as wrong-doers ; for against the first party there was 
no right of action, as the merchant's conduct was legiti- 
mate, but in the second case the court has a right of action 
in the protection of the merchant in his legitimate business. 
Not only has the court the right, but it is its duty, to pro- 
tect him and punish his molestors; for until the rights 
which all have before they enter the social circle are in- 
fringed upon, the government has no right to meddle, and 
then only to protect those original rights which have been 
infringed upon. 

There can be no particular use in extending these re- 
marks further than this — that all matters that do not par- 
take of a duality of rights are not within the limits of 



APPENDIX. 373 

statutory law, and not even then if they are not violated 
and in dispute. Hence, they are not within the jurisdic- 
tion of any court, for they all belong to the reserved rights 
of man in his chaotic estate, wherein he is a law unto him- 
self—where true and perfect civilization rules as it rules in 
heaven. And when the civilization that this book incul- 
cates once comes into vogue, then all men will be so just in 
their conduct that no one will complain of his fellow-man. 
Righteousness will then reign, and God govern man in his 
chaotic estate. Then the officers of law will stand upon 
the verge that divides the two estates of man's nature, and 
thank God that man is redeemed and now governs himself 
by principle, and thereby obviates all necessity of a gov- 
ernment by force. 

This is the ultimate of all civilization — when man can 
govern himself by the light within, and not by the force 
from without. My friends, w r e are much nearer that point 
than is generally admitted ; for now ninety-nine-hundredths 
of the people do right of their own accord, and without 
any fear of the law, and if real statesmen hereafter make 
our laws, then our criminal courts will be idle and mere 
nominal institutions. Thus I hope, and thus I write. 
Therefore let real statesmen rule the land, and there will 
be neither sorrow nor want in it. 

The idea of classifying rights and their contrary wrongs 
after the order of the genera and species in the logic of 
nature, is, in my estimation, a correct idea, as it groups the 
natural into their proper headings, with their possible 
wrongs annexed, modified by circumstances into species of 
rights and wrongs. The wisdom of this arrangement be- 
comes more apparent when we once are informed that in 



374 APPENDIX. 



the two first departments of man's nature the social laws do 
not obtain— first, in the natural involuntary department 
of man's nature, to which all of his physical nature be- 
longs ; second, in and to all of his nature, over which his 
mind is the natural ruler and guardian as vicegerent to the 
first department of his involuntary nature, over both of 
which God presides. This all precedes the social and con- 
ventional, which conventional is the legislative deaprtment, 
the ultimate of which is the judicial, with its courts of 
justice. Yet few know that the entire duty of these courts 
cousists in rectifying the abuses sustained by the individual 
in the first two departments, or rather on their verges ; or, 
to put it plainer, the wrongs which man has sustained 
while in society to those rights he is entitled to while out- 
side of society, which rights pertain to one or both of his 
independent spheres while in his non-conventional life — 
first, in wrongs to his person and injury to his life ; second, 
in injury to his property, or the deprivation of liberty of 
action in the pursuit of happiness. 

So we see that all wrongs consist in the infringements of 
man on his fellow-man by wronging him of rights he pos- 
sessed outside of society ; for man gains no rights by enter- 
ing society which he did not have outside. But it is said 
he loses some. This is not so — only those rights are modi- 
fied by conventionalities as by compromise ; those reserved 
are inalienable. To adjudge these intricate matters is the 
sphere of our courts, and it involves all that is possible in 
the circle of jurisprudence to avoid doing wrong while try- 
ing unerrably to do justice. Therefore, the above mode of 
classification as given in this book must be of great help in 
distinguishing right from wrong, and their grading into de- 
grees enables the judge minutely to weigh them, each in 



APPENDIX. 375 



their proper balance. This, most assuredly, is of the high- 
est possible interest to the judge, as a false judgment makes 
him a criminal and the wrongfully accused his victim, and 
for this error sudden execution deprives the wronged from 
ever obtaining redress. Therefore we would suggest a rad- 
ical change in our jury system from what it is now. 

The jury system is most wofully inconsistent with the 
genius of Americanism. It gives no hope of infallible 
justice in our courts, but leaves open the door for injustice 
in various ways, as bribery is bad, but ignorance is equally 
bad, or worse. At best, as society is now, it is a burlesque 
on judicature in general; for the people are so jealous of 
their rights, that the wisest and most learned of all men 
are chosen as judges, to sit and hear cases through the 
course of their pleadings and interpleadings. The attor- 
neys' eloquence and ingenuity of counter pleadings puzzle 
the best of judges of law to keep track of the line of jus- 
tice through all of this sophistry. He, being a wise and 
honest man, trembles with fear lest he may err in his judg- 
ment, thereby contaminating his own soul in irreparably 
injuring his fellow-man by false judgment. Yet the people 
are so jealous of their rights that they take the decision of 
the case out of his hands and confer it upon twelve un- 
learned men, who know nothing of law nor of its sophis- 
tries ; and under this influence of counter pleadings their 
minds become perfectly coagulated and their judgment is 
worthless, and the poor, honest, ignorant contestants are 
crucified in this mock court of justice. 

The only remedy for this is, either abolish the present 
jury system, and leave the matter, in the hands of compe- 
tent judges of law, or else reject all men as jurors who have 
not become masters of law according to the new code of 



376 APPENDIX. 



classification, which certainly should be taught as a finish 
in our new system of forced education. And still another 
thing suggests itself. That is, if the jury system is to be 
retained, with jurymen who are lawyers; the number of 
jurors should be reduced from twelve to six, or even to 
three, and a majority to warrant a decision. The number 
six or three is preferable, as a majority is a two-thirds ma- 
jority. This seems to be nature's number for a jury. I do 
not subscribe to the idea of great numbers sitting in judg- 
ment on intricate matters, for too many judges only breed 
confusion. 

We will again return from the judiciary to the legisla- 
tive, and speak of the right the public have to demand the 
taxing of assumed or watered values of stocks, or those fic- 
titious values, such as railroads, upon which the companies 
make their calculations for dividends before they calculate 
the rate of wages they can pay their employes. The cor- 
rection of this is just, as these companies charge rates of 
fare and tariffs corresponding to their watered rates — this 
being a rate of tax on the commerce and industries of the 
people. As these companies receive equal benefits from 
the people on their assumed values as they receive on that 
which is real, therefore the people have a right to demand 
that these companies pay tax on their watered values, the 
same as on the real values, or the true costs of the con- 
struction of their roads. 

The municipalities should also regulate the assessed val- 
ues of open or vacant lots at the rates asked for them per 
foot when offered for private sale by their owners. These 
monstrous prices asked hinder honest people from getting 
homes. These land sharks buy up all vacant lots at the 
lowest possible rate, and for taxation purposes get them ap- 



APPENDIX. 377 



praised at still a lower rate, thereby enabling them to hold 
these lots at a trifle of costs in taxes until they actually 
command such monstrous prices as the fiction their owners 
choose to set upon them. This certainly is injurious to the 
city, as it retards its growth, as well as it keeps the poor 
honest workingman homeless and a renter from the stock 
gambler. This should be broken up as soon as possible, by 
levying equally as high a tax as the rate these jobbers ask 
for their lots. This will add to the amount of city taxes, 
and thereby lower the rents on houses already built — not 
only in that way, but by these lots being built upon and 
occupied by those who now, in renting, compete for houses, 
thereby raising the rates of rent ; and these being built 
upon, add an honest increase to the wealth of the city, with 
a corresponding tax gathered therefrom. These things the 
public have a right to demand — the first from the state, 
and the second from the city as a municipality. 

We will again return to social ethics, as there seems to 
be a general upheaval upon this matter at this time 
throughout the civilized world. The judgment of the ages 
seems to be in session at this time ; for in all nations, and 
among all peoples of the earth, the voice of sorrow and 
despair are heard, for abject poverty and want afflict the 
majority of all nations— not because nature has not yielded 
a sufficiency for all. Far from this; for she has yielded 
most profusely to the magic power of man's arts untold 
bounties, sufficient for five times her present population. 
Yet the greed of man robs his fellow-man, and he heeds 
not the cry of the poor until their voice, as the tornado, is 
heard rumbling like thunder. It enters the courts of 
heaven, and demands justice in judgment. Therefore this 
age is in travail, and the sorrows of the ages oppress the 



378 APPENDIX. 



world ; for a new civilization is on the verge of being born 
— one that will fill the expectation of those rumbling cries; 
when God, through nature, will bless all his children alike ; 
when justice shall cease to be a mere mock of words, but 
be a truth in fact. 

There is nothing of so much importance at this time, in 
securing to the people an unimpeded progress in the devel- 
opment of the divine principle of true- republicanism, as a 
knowledge of the clear line that divides the social part of 
government from that in its citizens, which precedes the 
government ; for nine-tenths part of our lives exists in that 
which precedes social government by statute, for all men 
naturally have ten times more of their own business to at- 
tend to than they honestly have of their neighbors'; and in 
the degree in which the neighbors' rights are respected and 
left unmolested, in the same degree have we attained to 
true republicanism. And the height of the object and aim 
of all civilization is attained when man will and can gov- 
ern himself by the force of the principles from within, and 
not by the force from without. 

But this ultimate of civilization: how shall it be at- 
tained, seeing that we are yet far from it— a civilization 
when men will cease governing their neighbors' affairs and 
attend to their own business ; sweep their own houses be- 
fore they sweep their neighbors'? Answer: It must all 
come from a higher order of education and a purer litera- 
ture. The community must cease paying a premium on 
literary trash that corrupts the morals of its readers, and in 
place thereof read such as will elevate the mind to the 
highest plane of thought, and instill the noblest of aspira- 
tions of a future life. Cease trying to rule your neighbors 



APPENDIX. 379 



by force of law, but win them by the glories of your vir- 
tues aud the kindness of your souls. Do not send the 
officers of the law after them, but go to them yourself — 
talk to them as a brother ; for " it is the goodness of God 
that leadeth to repentance," and you, as a good brother, 
will confirm this, and save your neighbor and yourself from 
much sorrow, for force will never work a moral reform, but 
kind words and deeds will. 

Therefore, with a forced education, a perfect literature, 
and a free press, a perfect civilization is assured ; for if the 
press is free, and the editors masters of their business, they 
will be to all corruptionists as a refiner's fire. The church, 
with her priesthood, and the judiciary, with its judges, dare 
not invite the fire of the scrutiny of the free press, nor 
through the press the fire of public disapprobation, before 
which even the unprincipled demagogue trembles. There- 
fore, let the American people forever rally to the support 
of the free press ; for it is the guardian angel of our rights, 
the vicegerent of the goddess of liberty, and grand ex- 
pun ger of all vice. 

Before this goddess darkness flees apace ; 
Light is born — light that cheers the human race ; 
In this light all may walk, and all may see 
The path of life that leads to liberty. 

ADDENDA OR REFLECTIONS AS BY COMPARISON OF THE OLD 
AND NEW JURY SYSTEMS, THEIR DIFFERENT MODES OF 
SELECTING AND IMPANELING A JURY, ETC. 

The old order: When the jurors are challenged they are 
asked, "Have you read in the papers an account of any 
thing pertaining to this case which is to be tried, upon 



380 APPENDIX. 



which you as a juror will sit ; and, if so, have you formed 
an opinion of the same ? " 

Juror: "I am a man who reads all the news of things 
which transpire in our land, and my sense of what is just or 
unjust is so acute that I form judgments of all as fast as I 
read or hear of them, and I take in all after circumstances 
and hold all in continual comparison, so that at all times my 
judgment is a just and logical deduction of the case, with 
all the new circumstances added thereto." 

This is decidedly and pre-eminently a proper juror, but 
by the code or regime is rejected, because he has heard of 
the case and has opinions. 

Second Juror: "I have never heard of the case, as I 
never read any thing; besides, so far as opinions go, I have 
none; am not in the habit of forming opinions on any 
thing ; in fact, my mind is almost a blank." 

This juror is accepted by the old code, because he has no 
opinions ; but, by the new code, he is rejected, as morally 
and intellectually incompetent. 

This mode of picking a jury insures a weak and incom- 
petent panel of jurors; added to which, the old system 
allows the judge to bulldoze these blockheads (who of 
themselves have no capacity to form a just judgment of 
their own) in his charge, lecturing and intimidating them, 
forcing his own judgment upon them, thereby robbing 
them of their just rights and sworn duty as judges to decide 
the case according to law and the testimony. This is an 
usurpation of the jury's rights by the judge, as the jury 
themselves are the judges in this case. The judge, for the 
time, is the mere moderator and maintainer of the etiquette 
and courtesies of the court. By this mode the judiciary 



APPENDIX. 381 



has been prostituted, so that honest men fear to intrust 
their rights and liberties in the hands of our courts. 

But under the new code the jurors are to be three or six 
iu number — a majority to carry a decision (it being a two- 
thirds vote). When they are challenged, the questions 
are : First — "Are you versed in the science of ethics, and 
masters of its classification ? If so, where are your diplomas 
as credentials thereof? " They are presented ; for no one 
without a diploma of this kind can sit as a juror, for the 
juror takes the place of the judge in this case. This is one 
of the fruits of the forced and better education of the citi- 
zens. All is now ready. The judge, by his clerk, swears 
them, under the pains and penalties of perjury, to try the 
case and adjudge it according to law and the testimony. 
(The laws then in vogue will all be in accord with the eter- 
nal laws of ethics, for no non-scientists will make statutes 
for us any more.) 

Here the judge resigns his office to the jurors. He trans- 
fers to them the right to adjudicate the case now in ques- 
tion. He merely presides over the court to regulate the 
pleadings and keep the opposing counsel w T ithin their legal 
purview of law, restraining them in all sophistries of law 
wherewith they try to darken counsel or to delude the 
jurors — as all pleadings must be generic and specific in 
their order, tracing effects back to causes, and classifying 
those causes as .the eternal laws of justice. The testimony 
is heard under the presiding guidance of the judge. After 
issue is joined by the opposing counsel as lawyers, the case 
is now being in process of hearing by the jurors as judges. 
The judge has nothing to do with it as judge. His duty 
now is to keep the opposing attorneys strictly to the line of 
law ; to see that neither of them impose on the witnesses 



382 appendix:. 



of their opponent. He is moderator, and sits as guardian 
of the law and the courtesies pertaining thereto. And 
when the pleadings are at an end, he is not allowed to 
charge the jury, as the jury in this special case are his su- 
periors, they being the judges. 

Neither are they allowed to retire to argue the case 
between themselves, for the case has already been dis- 
sected to the utmost by the opposing counsel ; and if their 
judgments are not already irrevocably formed and fixed, 
then they are incompetent jurors, and should not be allowed 
to retire in order to bamboozle each other by canvassing 
and repleading the case in a retired room, much less to be 
starved into a unanimous vote ; for this is forcing them to 
perjure themselves, for a juror under oath, if he votes two 
different ways, is either incompetent or perjures himself. 
Therefore, the first undisturbed opinion is all a juror is en- 
titled to give as his decision, for more than this is unreliable 
and false. But, to avoid all this, the jurors are not allowed 
to talk, the one with the other, on the merits of the case; 
and, while under the eyes of the judge and the opposing 
counsel and their clients, the clerk of the court hands each 
of the jurors a card, upon which is printed *" Guilty" — 
"Not Guilty," and without rising from their seats, or utter- 
ing a word, the jurors must strike out either the word 
"Guilty" or the words " Not Guilty." In civil cases the 
cards are to represent the nature of the case. The jurors 
themselves will not know how each voted until the judge 
announces it. These cards should be double, with the 
counter decisions printed on the opposite ends', the middle 



* There should be two cards, and the jurors drop one in a 
box. 



APPENDIX. 383 



to be perforated, so that the juror could pull them apart, 
and the one carrying his verdict he would drop into the 
jurors' judgment box, which would be presented to him by 
the clerk of the court; the other he could keep or destroy. 
By this mode the jurors would avoid all publicity of how 
they voted. This would render the jurors independent of 
the evil influence of public censure. 

This is an infallible mode of purifying our judiciary, by 
not allowing the jurors a chance for connivance ; also, by 
restraining the judge within the proper limits and bounds 
of his office, for the new code will not permit a shade of 
prevarication or sophistry within the scope of its economy. 

In the new economy there can never arise the first shade 
of what is called "a legal sophism," as all laws and their 
correlative statutes are on the logical order of the psycho- 
genera and their relative species, with their shades of dif- 
ferentiations, which differentias are also classified by their 
unerrable similarities of each class of differentias. These 
have already been explained, and their exact application in 
law is what is called "jurisprudence." The violation of 
these minute differentias of man's natural rights by unedu- 
cated statesmen, and the strict execution and enforcement 
of these false laws to their letter by the equally unlearned 
judge or jurors, is what irritates the sensitive lover of right 
and liberty. It arouses his soul to the battle of defense for 
his more than God-given rights — the right of his life, the 
right of his soul-given liberty, and the unrestrained pursuit 
of happiness. These are the tender touches of his soul, 
and are sensitive as are the apples of his eyes ; and this 
defense marks the highway to liberty, the path to a better 
civilization, the overthrow of tyranny, and the triumph of 
the God in man as victor. "What! "says the tyrant; 



384 APPENDIX. 



" shall not these statutes as laws be executed, even if they 
are false in principle?" The wise man answers, " By no 
means shall they be executed ; for if they are, then the 
fool for the time will rule and the people mourn." Retro- 
gression will here commence, and legislative infringements 
will know no bounds. 

This is well illustrated at this time in Cincinnati (May 
28, 1888), and is what calls forth these strictures. The 
editors of some of our papers (a few of them) are perfectly 
frantic with rage, and are howling like wolves, because the 
good sense of the people has rebuked the' foolish act called 
" The Owen Sunday Law." To these editors I would say, 
Send educated statesmen to Columbus, and let them pass 
laws strictly in accord with man's inalienable rights, and they 
will be executed and respected. 

An act, although passed one thousand times by a legisla- 
ture, is not law — neither are the people under any obliga- 
tion to conform thereto — if it is inconsistent with ethics ; 
and those who thirst with zeal to execute villainous laws 
are themselves villains and need correction, for a man who 
wishes to execute an unrighteous law is himself unright- 
eous. 

The " Owen Law" bears on its very face the evidence 
of villainous designs of immense magnitude. The object 
is tyranny by the few over the many— a wolf in a sheep- 
skin. The sheepskin is the Sabbath — the wolves are the 
clergy and their dupes. Their prey is the robbery of the 
citizens of their liberties, the right to control their own 
sumptuary tastes, and how to dispose of their own affairs 
for twenty-four hours out of one hundred and sixty-eight, 
and to finally drive them into their churches by closing all 
other avenues of diversion against them for twenty-four 



APPENDIX. 385 

hours. All this is, finally, to give the church control of 
the state ; for surely the rationalists are not ignorant of the 
fact that the Evangelical Alliance nave concluded to here- 
after take a hand in the political matters of our country. 
But before they do this we think they should make a thor- 
ough study of political economy and social ethics. By that 
time they •will be ashamed of their Sunday laws and sump- 
tuary nonsense, and can return to their churches and re- 
form them by preaching the gospel of common sense and 
humanity, and they will be respected by all men as gentle- 
men. 

Now let us dissect this matter of a Sunday law, and see 
how it stands in social ethics. First— All crimes are the 
abuse of the common category called "Action." The ac- 
tion, to be a crime, must be an injury to society in general, 
or to an individual in particular. Its degree of criminality 
is very exactly and accurately ascertained by the classifica- 
tion of rights in this book. 

But the "Sunday Closing Law" does not predicate its 
crime upon the species of action, but strictly on " time," 
and the "time" is strictly specified as "Sunday." Now, 
if the crime consisted in the vicious nature of the action, 
then the same act would be equally criminal at all other 
times; but by the Sunday law this same species of acts, on 
all other days, is admitted as legal and a virtue; therefore, 
in its constitutional nature, can never become a vice or 
crime. This proves that its assumed criminality is a ficti- 
tious fabrication, assumed as committed against "time," a 
distinct category from action, and this action committed 
against humanity. We must never forget that the cate- 
gories can never be confounded in their logic, any more 



386 APPENDIX. 



than can the genera. Crime can never be predicated of 
time. The laws of time are inviolable. All violations are 
predicated purely of actions and their evil effects on others. 
Their grade is not determined by time, but by their effects 
on man. 

If our howling editors are sick because the people will 
not bow to a foolish statute, then let them educate them- 
selves in the ethics of statesmanship, and teach the people, 
so that they will send wise men- — first-class statesmen — to 
make laws for us, such laws as will find a response in all 
honest men's minds, and they will be" executed. I am 
strictly a temperance man — subscribe to and court the 
sweet influences of uncontaminated experimental religion. 
I subscribe to no other mode of elevating the human race 
than the highest order of education and the noblest of 
moral training. I denounce all modes of tyranny in try- 
ing to reform mankind. " It is the goodness of God that 
leadeth to repentance," and the generosity of man to man 
that seals eternal friendship — the very sentiments of the 
gods. 

This is the way to abolish all vice — by educating the 
masses above all vicious attractions. Then intemperance 
of all kinds will cease, and man will still be free — free from 
the tyranny of his neighbors, and free from the tyranny of 
his own ignorance and self-debasement. 

All statutes must be valued and judged by their consist- 
ency with the logic of nature. Therefore, it is not within 
the legislative sphere or limits of a state to regulate or 
make a difference in the sacred n ess of days ; for no state 
has a right to create a religious code, and an act which is 
not criminal in its nature can never be made so by legisla- 
tion. These things being conceded, and the rights of man 



APPENDIX. 387 



to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness being the base 
of our government — and man is acknowledged to be capa- 
ble of self-government — he has the natural right to barter, 
purchase and sell whatever he has, to whomsoever wishes 
to buy, at all times ; and he, being master of his own phys- 
icalities, is not to be questioned as to his private economy, 
or his temperance in his diet. All this is outside of statu- 
tory authority, and is strictly private. 

The calling of such statutes "laws" is a burlesque on 
law ; and to demand their execution as law is a demand of 
the judge or jury to sin against the divinity of the uni- 
verse, the God of justice, and their ow r n conscience. Far 
be it from me, as a writer on social ethics and the princi- 
ples of eternal justice, to say that such infernal statutes 
must be executed as laws. The man who can not see the 
abominable inconsistency of this Owen Sunday Law has 
not got judgment enough to be a teacher of the people, 
even though he be editor of a penny or a two-penny daily 
newspaper. These editors do not belong to those noble 
editors of whom we spoke as the vicegerents of the goddess 
of liberty. 

The turmoil w T hich this foolish statute has caused in the 
municipality of Cincinnati is what has called forth this 
note of reflections on the Owen Law. It is high time that 
the American people w 7 ere better educated in the line of 
social ethics, very especially our editors, and this proves 
the imperative necessity of our forced and better education 
of the masses, when the higher sciences will be taught in 
our common schools, ending in a perfect knowledge of 
social ethics and the eternal logic of the universe — the full 
redemption of all men from vice, and the harmony of the 



388 APPENDIX. 

heavens prevail over the wide expanse of all nations and 
peoples. 

Note Second. 

reflections on jurisprudence and the qualification 
of jurors as judges of law. 

As was said in our previous criticism of the new code of 
law pleadings, that jurors took the place of judges of the 
court, and for the time in the special case, their authority 
transcends that of the regular judge. His authority in this 
case is held in suspense. He is merely for the time the 
moderator of the court. This being the case, how impor- 
tant it becomes to the public that these jurors should be 
masters of law according to the new code. And as no 
juror can sit as judge without holding a certificate as a 
master of law, therefore no juror with such a certificate 
can be challenged by either party, or the judge of the 
court. This will obviate all idea or fear of incompetent 
jurors sitting on any case, as the diplomas will be issued 
from the high school — the last grade of our new course of 
forced education, which will be a law school. All who fail 
to pass this board of examination will receive no diploma, 
and therefore can not be a legal juror. But at every cen- 
sus a regular set of censors will examine all citizens wish- 
ing a diploma as jurors, and give certificates to all who 
pass examination. This will cause a mighty incentive to 
all citizens to try to gain this high order of education. It 
will be the first grand step toward a perfect civilization. 
As ignorance is the mother of crime, wisdom is the mother 
of virtue, and justice reigns in her courts. 

As all jurors must be able to trace all cases through their 
intricate windings of justice, amid the sophistries of law or 



APPENDIX. 389 



false statutes — tracing the case the same as does the chemist 
the properties of matter in all chemical compounds; and 
the physiologist the- nerves, from their roots to their ter- 
mini, the central censorium, not only the matters they are 
composed of, but their proportions with their properties and 
offices ; as do the botanists the species to their mother gen- 
era — so also do the naturalists divide all nature into their 
proper genera, then each genus into its species. 

These species are each. known from all others by their 
peculiarity as their differentia; but the per cent of simile 
hinds them into a family called a genus. By this mode all 
nature is classified, and each minutia is assigned its proper 
place in the economy of universal nature. This is the true 
base of all the sciences. Therefore, the science of right 
and wrong by analogy has a similar base, and is subject to 
the same rules of classification. This in toto is called 
" ethics." This ethics is divided into five grand genera. 
We call them " spheres of rights," or the primaries. Each 
of these genera is divided into subdivisions, called their 
species, as differentias. They, too, are classified, and an 
exact application of these differentias, according to their 
own laws of positive exactitude, called " the eternal fitness 
of things," is positive jurisprudence and eternal justice. 
This is true equity ; and by this mode all courts will be 
high courts of equity, from which none will appeal, as 
there will be no shade of error possible in these courts. 

As has been said before, that these spheres of right are 
each divided into sub-classes, each class is w T ell defined by 
its natural differentias. The confounding of any one of 
these moral differentias is what constitutes a legal wrong, 
and the art of compounding them is sophistry. 

By the above classification we find the eternal laws of 



390 APPENDIX. 



the universe. They are inevitable, immutable and inexor- 
able. All statutes contrary to these are naturally null and 
void No citizen, knowing them to be false, can with a 
clear conscience execute them, for nature will not bend to 
the folly of man. 

Then how important it is that a court of criticism be es- 
tablished, wherein all statutes are to be tested after being 
passed, before they go into operation ; and if, when tested, 
they are found to be at variance with nature's ethics, then 
this court will reject them, and not wait for them to be re- 
pealed after being found to be a curse to the people. 

But we have an opinion that after the forced education 
is once in vogue, all citizens, in order to be possible jurors, 
must be able judges of law according to the code. Then 
our future legislators will be masters of law, and no acts at 
variance with nature's ethics will ever be passed by them. 
And we do really think that it would be wise and equally 
just if a law was passed in each state prohibiting incompe- 
tent men to act as members of their state legislatures, and 
a similar act should be passed by Congress, that no man, 
even if elected to Congress, could hold the office if, before 
he was sworn in, he could not pass an examination as an 
educated statesman. And still more : no convention would 
ever nominate a man who did not hold a diploma as a cer- 
tificate of legal capacity as a statesman, as such an one 
could not be a legal candidate, nor inaugurated if elected. 

The above is a mere suggestion, as well as is this entire 
note. All are mere reflections on possibilities. But it is 
certain that the present order of things is not leading to a 
high degree of civilization, nor the warrant of a perma- 
nency of our institutions. 

The jealousy of the people for their personal rights 



APPENDIX. 391 



should suggest to theru the positive necessity for a more 
perfect education, and this education should be as near as 
possible a general oue. This will end the folly and corrup- 
tion of office-seekers, who think the chief aim of govern- 
ment is to give office to the greedy office-seeker — to create 
a set of corrupt nabobs, whose chief avocation is to live 
and keep up a turmoil among the people by political black- 
guardism. 

So, to achieve all we have recommended in this book,. it 
is necessary, first, to attain a perfect education, which will 
lead to a perfect civilization ; and this will lead to an exact 
system of commerce, which will require the most complete 
net-work of the avenues of commerce both by land and 
sea, internally within our own national bounds, as well as 
with all the nations of the earth. This implies free trade 
and eternal justice both at home and abroad — fair ex- 
change and honest prices. This is all implied in our South 
American policy of a four double-tracked railroad, and the 
possible absorption of all North America. This will equal- 
ize wealth and reconcile capital and labor on both conti- 
nents, with the forced education, which will harmonize the 
people by destroying their sectional animosities. This will 
prepare them for the new code of jurisprudence. This 
being established proclaims the success of the doctrines ad- 
vocated throughout this book — the ultimate perfection of 
man and his institutions. By following his highest prompt- 
ings, with the light of science to guide him, peace, justice 
and good- will will every-where prevail, and the earth be- 
come a paradise — God and man be reconciled. This is 
destiny, and is also my hope. 



392 APPENDIX. 



CONCLUSION. 

In dismissing the criticism of the new code, with its jury- 
system, it must be recollected that we merely pointed the 
statesman to the infallible order of nature in her classifica- 
tion of all her departments, knowing that man is a perfect 
epitome of all nature — a micro-cosmic universe. There- 
fore, in his mind, these classes are the same in all men. 
The moral part, its classification, we call ethics. To this 
part we refer the statesman, and assure him that all stat- 
utes which do not accord with these laws are not only null, 
but are positively wrong and criminal in their effects ; for 
from this department of man's nature God speaks his posi- 
tive laws and injunctions. Therefore, we point to this as 
the new code, and its studies as the guide of the statesman. 
He will find its arrangements generic and specific in all its 
details, as we stated. We only point to its study, hoping 
that some prodigy in human form may unlock this sealed 
book and give forth from it the judgments of God for the 
use of the nations. We merely hand them the key, and 
ask tnem to use it. We have pointed them to five of its 
doors, and painted some of the beauties of the internal 
scenery. It is most lovely, for it contains the very courts 
of heaven, with God and man reconciled therein. 

Having intended to close this book with the above ex- 
pressions, but remembering a few appropriate remarks in 
essay form, we have concluded to add them to the list of 
our review. They are as follows : First — 



APPENDIX. 393 



HEAVEN. 

What constitutes heaven? Answer: Those conditions 
which place man in that estate wherein his wants are satis- 
fied — with surrounding circumstances that will call all his 
latent powers forth and educate them to their utmost ca- 
pacities, and place him in harmony with all things after 
awaking his supersensuous nature, and thereby prompting 
him to fill the measure of the gods, as he is himself the true 
Shekinah, and the cosmic universe his cerebellum, in which 
he, the immortal cosmic god, dwells — the etheric universe 
being his cerebrum, the great mind of all the gods. 

Art, science and friendship, the three great ingredients, 
taking the cosmic universe as an eternal fixity, possessing 
within itself the base of all possible phenomena which can 
be evolved from its atomic properties, and taking man as 
its sentient counterpart— a microcosm of itself— it teaches 
him its own possibilities; also, teaches that his greatest 
felicities are to be achieved when he can bring himself into 
accord with the harmonies that exist in her locked-up 
treasures, which, wheu outwrought in the mind, is called 
"science," or "mind essence"— the connecting link be- 
tween man and the cosmic system of universal nature by 
which the soul, the true man, becomes educated in the 
laws of cause and effect, to which man is eternally subject 
as to good and evil— good by the conformity to cosmic law, 
and evil by violating the same laws. 

Man naturally avoids evil and seeks the good, and these 
evils drive him into the paths of virtue and lead him into 
the courts of wisdom — the home of science. These sciences 



394 APPENDIX. 



point out the road that leads to the arts. These arts again 
open the way to higher sciences, and these to still more 
noble arts, which again cheer the soul by leading it into 
higher courts and greater glory of the cosmic universe as 
reflected in its counter court in man's nature through his 
mind. 

This process being followed through all its lines until art 
is complete as nature warrants, gives man all the com- 
forts his nature warrants or craves, so far as art can be 
applied. Their beauties charm the soul ; besides, the scin- 
tillations of the sesthetics of universal nature, her cosmic 
glory of light, color and form, in the majestic whirl of 
worlds, with her enrapturous sounds of melody. But much 
more are all these things heightened by lhe presence of our 
fellows. The divine sentiment of friendship sanctifies all, 
and completes the assuaging of man's thirst for infinite 
bliss ; for wherever there is friendship there is home, and 
in tlrs home are treasured all the beauties that science, by 
art, has brought forth from nature. But here the mind is 
affected by other minds, and the soul learns to love. Here 
the beauties of the soul are reflected on and through the 
mind. The soul sees the divinity of the universe reflected 
from itself, and worships God in the temple of self-esteem. 
He sees the same god of beauty reflected from the entire 
nature of his fellows; and loving the god within himself, 
and this god being undivided, he also loves the same god 
as he finds and sees him reflected from others. He there- 
fore worships the reflection of the divinity in the temple 
of approbativeness ; for self-esteem, when approved by 
others, returns to us as a tribute to our own virtues, con- 
firming us, and thereby giving to us the warmth of theii 
own souls, which cheers and strengthens us mutually. 



APPENDIX. 395 

This is friendship, the highest and purest sentiment the 
soul is capable of; and it, being mutual, heightens our 
sympathies, as do the flames of two burning sticks increase 
their heat and mutual blaze ; for a heaven of beauty and 
order, made by art, is not complete without friends, and 
these only exist where art and science blend with nature in 
her perfections, and where the divinity of universal nature 
blazes in its brilliancy from every soul, binding them in 
bonds of friendship. This is heaven, be it where it may ; 
it is the true home of the hungry soul. 

And this is the ultimate end of the arts and the sciences 
— to develop and enlighten man and complete his sur- 
roundings; a perfect physical home, with a super-physical 
home, and with his fellows also perfected, physically, meu- 
tally and morally, with friendship complete. This is 
heaven. 



RELIGION: ENCROACHMENT OF THE CHURCH 
ON THE STATE. 

Americanism vs. Evangelicalism and Roman Catholi- 
cism: wherein do they differ, if differ they do? Answer: 
Roman Catholicism claims an absolute papacy. Such also 
is the aim of the Evangelical churches. This is absolute 
monarchy, while Americanism is the reverse of monarchy, 
holding that man is capable of self-government, and has 
the right to choose and make his own selection of books, as 
well as liberty of thought in forming his own private opin- 
ions, and in the matter of religion that there is no interme- 
diate power between God and himself; that an intermediate 
priesthood is derogatory to the dignity of man, and sacri- 



396 APPENDIX. 



legious, in robbing God of his dignity and man of his most 
sacred rights, besides teaching the doctrine of non-equality 
of men in their natural rights, which is diametrically oppo- 
site to the very foundation of the first principles of Amer- 
icanism, or perfect republicanism. 

Roman Catholicism is founded upon the grand idea of 
absolute monarchy, with a grand aristocracy, graded from 
the vice-god — the arch aristocrat — as king, or pope. This 
pope presumes to take the place with man that God does 
with the American religionists ; dictates to them his will as 
god of this world, or vice-god, dominating over both mind 
and body — a chooser of their literature, the formator of 
their thoughts and sciences ; wishes to sit as censor over all 
literature — our newspapers; and confirmer or rejector of 
our laws — super-chief-justice— to decide upon the constitu- 
tionality of laws passed, even after our chief of the su- 
preme court has given his opinion — his decision to be his 
own arbitrary judgment, governed by the idea of the su- 
premacy of the church over the state ; the church to be 
entirely subservient to himself as the vice-god of the na- 
tions — an absolute necessity in all human affairs — a great 
king of kings and lord of lords, from whom all authority 
flows — ruling by inherent divine right in and of himself. 

This is the aim of Roman Catholicism— the ' ' papacy " — 
in all the world. This open-faced arrogance is what actu- 
ates the Roman papacy. She sees as well as we do that 
the future seat of empire and physical force of the world 
lies in the United States of North America, as stated in 
"The Statesman's Guide;" and if she can control our 
government as its positive ruler, then she, by this force, 
will rule all nations. Hence, her sneaking, underhand 
policy is to control our literature, and for this purpose she 



APPENDIX. 397 



disallows her members even in free America the liberty of 
choice of education. Her priests watch the enunciation 
of new books in our newspapers, aud if the new book be 
one which teaches the inalienable rights of man, and re- 
fuses to acknowledge the supremacy of the papacy as an 
absolute necessity in all human affairs, especially in relation 
to their future life, with the accredited priesthood as inquis- 
itors into their private lives, and into the tone of their 
literary training — the order of their reading matter — and 
if therein is found the least shade of Americanism, the book 
or newspaper is forthwith proscribed as heretical, and its 
author pronounced a ' ' heresiarch," or human devil. This 
is the estimation the papacy has of Americanism, and the 
order of the gratitude they feel for the liberties it secures 
for them, proving it to be the worst enemy the American 
-principle of government has ; and the Evangelical priest- 
hood are very little better. 

Thus this papacy practices its tyranny right in the midst 
of the American citizens, who claim the capacity to judge 
for themselves in all things, both physical, moral and men- 
tal — knowing that all who understand what constitutes 
Americanism hold to the idea of immediate juxtaposition 
of God and man ; therefore no need for priests or popes. 

The fact is, the papacy can not, by any virtue in the 
nature of our institutions, exist here ; neither can a papist 
be a citizen, for if he takes the oath of allegiance he ceases 
to be a papist, or else perjures himself. This he cares noth- 
ing for, as his priest will absolve him therefrom, as they 
claim a superiority of divinity over Americanism ; and 
when their numbers warrant it, they will throw off the 
mask and entirely subvert our institutions, place a vice- 
gerent or legatee of the pope in the presidential chair, and 



398 APPENDIX. 



the pope sit as chief-justice of our judiciary — his cardinals 
as secretaries, his archbishops as governors of states, the 
bishops as senators and representatives of Congress, the 
pope himself the ruler of all nations. This is the secret 
dream of the papacy in the United States ; also is it the 
secret aim of the Evangelical Alliance. All have the same 
aim as an ultimate of their ambition. 

This, as an author, I am assured of. My books have 
been proscribed by their clergy, and only such of their 
members as appreciate Americanism in its true sense — 
those who dare to choose for themselves, who do their own 
praying, and do not admit a priest as an intermediate be- 
tween themselves and God — who have no need of a pope — 
these read my books, and because I forewarn the Amer- 
icans of this sort of encroachment upon their individual 
rights — the dangers that threaten them with a papacy, not 
only a Roman papacy, but an Evangelical papacy as well, 
both equally pernicious to Americanism. 

This forewarning can be found at the close of my criti- 
cism of Moses in "The Statesman's Guide," on pages 143 
and 144. I forewarned the Americans equally against a 
Protestant papacy, as they are both the same in principle, 
and equally pernicious and antagonistic to the divine rights 
of all men. 

The government can crush this papistic aspiration in all 
the so-called churches' by a single act prohibiting all per- 
sons who subscribe to the principles of monarchy from the 
right of citizenship, they thereby becoming aliens, and 
would have no voice in the American government. This 
would include all Christians, as the very term means abso- 
lute monarchy. This prohibition no one could complain 
of. Its effect would be the purifying of our literature, as 



APPENDIX. 399 



Christianity in general is opposed to scientific progress. It 
is eternally striving to reincarnate a dead and barbarous 
civilization, which blights and blasts every thing it touches. 
Wherever it touches, the divinity in humanity withers and 
dies. A man-god usurps the throne of reason and enslaves 
the soul; for of all things the priesthood despises reason, 
the true vicegerent of God in man, by which all are 
judged. Science is its first-born; art, the fruits of reason 
and science ; commerce, the result of the arts ; civilization, 
the effect of commerce ; individual and national friendship 
is the grand result of commerce ; and the final salvation 
of the human race is the ultimate of all these. But rea- 
son, the light of God in the soul, is the grand instigator of 
all. Yet the priesthood cry out against reason as the grand 
deceiver of mankind, and tell us to look back to an age 
dead thousands of years gone by. Why sir, Mr. Priest, 
you belong to that dead age; you are equally dead as is 
that age. Then why not bury you both, and stop your 
stench, for the great republic will live forever? 

The Nazarene, "Jesus," the son of Mary, was not a 
Christian, and by no means is the term " Christ" applicable 
to him; neither did he teach the doctrine of one man beinp- 
annointed king in order to rule his fellows, but taught the 
equality of all men, the one with the other, as well as their 
equality with God — the same as by analogy all waters are 
of the same element, and only differ as to volume. He 
never taught the doctrine of Catholicism, nor the idea of 
an organized church, with a czar-pope to rule mankind as a 
god-tyrant; for no one man can supersede the God in man, 
for in each this God is seated on the throne of the will 
power, and rules by the light of reason, the same in all 
men. Therefore, the attempt to establish a papacy in the 



400 APPENDIX. 

United States is treason, and an attempt at usurpation ; 
for if there is a God, he has no church, as he is no re- 
specter of persons — being infinite, can not be superseded. 
The church is a human institution, the same as all other 
organized societies. The cause of the formation of these 
societies is found in the idea and principle of "birds of a 
feather flock together," and by analog}' the human race 
divides itself into clans corresponding to their different sen- 
timents and grades of morals and intelligence. All those 
of the same grade associate as a class, as the Odd Fellows, 
Freemasons, Knights of Pythias, Knights of St. John, the 
Templars, with the hundreds of different religious organi- 
zations, each divided from the rest by their distinctive 
peculiarity, the same as is a genus divided into its different 
species; yet the genus holds them all in one common fam- 
ily by a principle of the same in each. So, too, does the 
American principle hold all societies together in one em- 
brace irrespective of their dissimilarities. She stands be- 
tween all and unites them as a nation by that in each one 
which is common in all. Now, the logician will see that 
the church (merely so called) is but a differential fragment 
in the great temple of humanity ; therefore, must not as- 
pire to the generic estate as absolute governor of anv 
nation, let alone the idea of universal government. 

December 24, 1888. This day, in "Rome, in Italy," the 
pope charged his priests in the sacred college, as well as all 
the priesthood throughout the world, to use all lawful 
means to re-establish his supremacy of government with 
temporal power. This certainly is a menace to all repub- 
lican governments, and especially to ours. As I said, he 
sees that the seat of physical power in the near future will 
be in the United States of North America, and I also assert 



APPENDIX. 401 



that the two principles of Americanism and the papistic 
ideas can never exist in the same nation, as they are posi- 
tively antagonistic; for the American claims for man the 
principles of self-government and absolute liberty, with in- 
dependence of private opinions. This the papacy deny in 
toto to man, and will enforce it as soon as they think they 
have power enough. 

The American government should, as soon as the pope 
assumes temporal power, disfranchise all papists, and 
thereby avoid the most horrible of all massacres, and also 
get rid of her worst enemy, and the greatest nuisance that 
ever afflicted the human race. The statesman has no use 
for the priesthood in any thing. His schools and colleges, 
with their teachers and professors, Lcturers and journalists, 
make all priests an unnecessary quantity in this country. 
_ The question will be asked, Do I subscribe to the princi- 
ples of religion ? Most assuredly I do subscribe to soul 
purifying, experimental religion — such as holds me in rap- 
port with the divinity of the universe, the same as are two 
magnets chained together by a mutual chord. 

To be religious, man, as an individual, must be himself 
in communion with Gcd, as a proxy will never answer in 
religious experience ; therefore, what audacious presump- 
tion it is in the priesthood to pretend to act as an interme- 
diate. There is no order of men who deserve the scorn of 
the wise and just of mankind so much as do these egotist- 
ical priests; for there is no more necessity for a priest to 
secure divine influence than there is to secure sunshine. 
The sun shines and gives its warming rays to all who will 
to stand in its light. So, too, will the spirit of God act 
upon all who seek it, and put themselves in proper moral 
position by their own will power ; and more, there is no 



402 APPENDIX. 



possibility of an intermediate interposing being. The same 
as in the atomic universe, where this power surrounds every 
atom in its individual atomic form, and by it, and through 
it, all organizations are caused and completed — here science 
leads us into the right idea of our individual position both 
to God and our fellow-man. 

We most assuredly are friends of the church as a human 
institution when it keeps within its legitimate sphere, and 
keeps its fingers out of the affairs of all other organized 
societies, remembering that it is but one of the great family 
of human societies, formed each for certain purposes, the 
same as was the church ; yet they all are merely auxiliary 
to the state wherein they meet, irrespective of their little 
society rights. The state does not distinguish between 
them. They are all equally dear as citizens — each being 
equally subject to the laws of the nation; and the nation, 
as an individual, is as strictly bound to respect each indi- 
vidual right of these various societies as they are to obey 
the general laws of the nation. 

And here we must announce a positive fact in principle ; 
that is, that the duty of the king of Italy (Humbert) is to 
issue a proclamation that all citizens of Italy are equally 
bound by its laws — priests as well as other citizens— the 
same penalties to be awarded to all for the same sort of 
offense. The pope, bring a citizen, is equally amenable to 
Italian law as are all other Italian citizens. The church 
has no power in the courts of judicature, even over her 
own members ; neither can she screen them from the pen- 
alties of law. This should teach the priesthood a lesson ; 
that is, to keep their noses, as well as their fingers, out of 
politics — such as the Sunday laws, the midnight laws, and 
all other things that purely belong to the state and her 



APPENDIX. 403 



courts. The Sunday and midnight laws are both arrant 
wrongs upon man's reserved rights — the right of purchase 
and sale, irrespective of time. This is tyranny of the worst 
kind; and imprisonment therefor is simply ungodly. The 
fine is robbery and the lowest of piracies. And this is doue 
in enlightened America, and claimed as a virtue by the 
Evangelical priesthood, its true authors. 

To the priesthood of all creeds — Christian, Mohammedan, 
Brahmin, and Buddhist — we would say : Gentlemen, this 
is not the way by which to save the human race. It is laid 
in man's nature that ignorance is the mother of all his 
vices, and that wisdom teaches him the better way to hap- 
piness, and that wisdom is the fruit of education, and that 
this education is gotten in many ways — first, by observation 
and experience ; second, by social converse ; third, by ac- 
tual physical training ; fourth, by a regular scientific course 
of education in our schools — from the simple alphabet up 
through all the sciences to the ultimate of the cosmic uni- 
verse; through physiology and anatomy, until he under- 
stands himself as perfectly as a machine ; then up through 
the psyschological sciences, and sees how the soul, through 
its anatomy and nervous system, controls its body, and 
how, by the intermediate spirit force through the mind, 
grasps all things within the possible scope of an educated 
soul, thereby learning the true relationship of itself to all 
things — sees its own grandeur when in perfect harmony 
with the God of the universe ; and finds this God is seated 
in the sanctuary of his own inner self. Thus, when we are 
educated up to thi,< point, what use have we for priests? 
Then God and man are one in accord, long before the man 
ceases to violate social law. 

If this be the case, then the priesthood, teaching the con- 



404 APPENDIX. 



trary, make of themselves the greatest of all nuisances that 
dow afflict the human race ; for is it not evident that man's 
nature bears the evidence of his final salvation by this 
process of his development by education ? For if perfec- 
tion was not naturally contained in its germinal estate in 
man, then how could he ever be educated in that which his 
nature did not warrant? and these principles only come to 
life by the agitation of education in their particular lines. 
Each item is called forth by its own particular inspiration ; 
as an individual, each comes to life and is born into the 
family of the characteristics of the soul. • 

Then if this be the case, as man's whole nature declares 
it to be, and this the only mode of his development, what 
' ' Jblderall " it is to preach such stuff as do the priests ! 
You can not reform man by force, but you may demoralize 
him, and thereby defer his reformation. Neither can you 
educate him by robbing him and imprisoning him in a 
work-house. Therefore, we say, educate the people until 
they see no pleasure in attending saloons. Make their 
homes to them the most attractive place on earth, and the 
number of saloons will decrease and cease for want of 
patronage; for if no one patronized them, they would not 
keep open after midnight, nor open at all. O ye hypocrit- 
ical priests, if ye taught the truth, and lived it, ye would 
not need to call on the state to help the Lord reform a 
drunken race of men, nor restrain those who afforded them 
intoxicants; for surely the love of God, the real fruit of 
experimental religion, will reform man of all his vices. 
But, sirs, having no religion yourselves, ye know not its 
value as a reformatory principle ; for ye love these men as 
does the hawk the dove, the wolf the lamb ; or why do you 
rob them of their money and enslave them in the work- 



APPENDIX. 405 



house ? Is this the fruit of your religion ? If it is, then 
judging the tree by its fruits, your moral venom must be 
as deadly as that of the old serpent himself, ' ' whose serv- 
ants ye are." If your conduct is a guide by which to judge 
to what class you belong, then the zeal of your folly has 
eaten up your brains ; therefore, ye lack in rationality, and 
your judgments are vituperous in the extreme. 

As this is a republic, wherein the people rule, you are 
bringing upon yourselves their swift judgments. What 
right have you to go and menace the officers in our courts, 
dictating to them what kind of judgments to pass on cer- 
tain assumed violators of law — even demanding of the 
mayor of Cincinnati to force the jury to bring in a verdict 
of conviction, contrary to their own conscious judgments, 
and also demanding of him to pick such a jury as had for- 
sworn themselves to convict before they had heard the case, 
thereby perjuring themselves doubly? Is this your idea of 
jurisprudence ? Do you not know that by this sort of con- 
duct you have damned yourselves to the lowest grade of 
infamy ? We know it, if you do not ; and the verdict of 
the people at the polls will tell you the same. The people 
will tell you that they have not appointed you as secret 
advisors of their elected officers ; that they pick men to fill 
these offices who have judgment enough of their own to 
perform their duties without borrowing light from your 
dark lantern. Keep on with your villainous meddling with 
the people's sacred rights, and they will reward you amply. 
You know not the scorn you have brought upon your- 
selves. You dishonor even the name of religion ; for the 
people think that if religion prompts you to these dirty 
acts, it must be villainous in its nature. Do you not see 
their verdict in not attending your churches? No, sirs; 



406 APPENDIX. 



they scorn you and your churches, and the more you try to 
force them to attend the less they care for you. They will 
tell you, Keep to yourselves and mind your own business, 
and we will mind ours ; we want nothing of you further 
than this. 

Now, sirs, it is time that we compare notes according to 
the issue of contrariety between Christianity and American- 
ism, for they are as irreconcilable as any two opposites can 
possibly be. The one governs by force, the other by 
suasiveness; the one by egotistic bigotry and ignorance, 
the other by reason and justice, for, say they, "the good- 
ness of God leadeth to repentance and reformation " — the 
other, that the terrors of hell and dire punishments will 
answer a better purpose, for we want to conquer by break- 
ing them down to impotency. The others, the rationalists, 
say, ''We wish to overcome vice by elevating the wrong-doer 
above its temptations — first, by education ; second, by our 
generous treatment of the unfortunate wrong-doer, winning 
him to us by our noble conduct, and showing him that we 
love him as a neighbor and brother." Say the others, " We 
could not stoop to such degradation. It would lower the 
dignity and majesty of the officers of justice ; besides all 
this, we would be deprived of the sweet pleasure of behold- 
ing the misery and wretchedness of those who dare violate 
our mandates." "Just so," says the American; "this agrees 
with the meaning of your name, and signifies the senti- 
ments of your religion, which is tyranny— Christism, mon- 
archy, czarism — grand robbers of man's divine rights — 
putting yourselves above the God that rules in man, that 
gives light to reason, by which man is ruled. By what au- 
thority do you call the religion of Jesus, the son of Mary, 
' Christism ? ' It was pure democratic republicanism, or, 



APPENDTX. 



407 



more properly, pure French communism. There is nothing 
of the Christ in it ; for he taught not only the equality of 
all men, but he also taught the equality of both God and 
man, for ' he thought it not robbery to make himself equal 
with God, he being heir, and we joint heirs' — no czarism in 
this." 

"Christ" is a titular term attached to Jesus by designing 
men for certain purposes. It means "the annointed 
prince," "the legal king." Now every one knows that this 
term has no application where Americanism predominates; 
and more, no man can be capable of self-government and 
practice it while some one else absolutely controls him. 
This the Americans assert and practice; therefore Chris- 
tianity and absolute monarchy can never rule the United 
States at the same time with Americanism ; for there must 
come a time when one of the two must yield to the other, 
and these priests are anxious to accelerate the matter — 
therefore this onslaught on the private rights of the citi- 
zens. If they are successful, then Americanism ceases as a 
governmental principle, and we become Russofied, with a 
czar to rule us in the name of the great christ of all na- 
tions. Then comes the war for supremacy between the 
different christs of the nations, to see who shall be the 
universal " christ." This is the ultimate design of the 
papacy. 

"Christ the anointed!" The christ of Russia is the 
czar ; the christ of Austria is her emperor ; that of Ger- 
many her kaiser ; and every kingdom of the world has its 
christ upon its throne. But the republics of the world 
repudiate the idea of a christ for their ruler, and have 
none, for each citizen governs himself. 

The above seems almost ridiculous, yet it is true, and 



408 APPENDIX. 






shows the deep laid scheme of the monarchists to sanctify 
hereditary monarchy by the superstition of anointing the 
kings as christs, and then pretend that they rule by divine 
right. This is the basest of tyranny and degraded slavery 
— sneaking into power under pretense of divine purity to 
prostitute the God in man to the lowest depihs of degrada- 
tion. The American people, if not better educated, will 
fall an easy prey to these infernal schemers. 

The remedy for all these pending evils can be found in 
*' The Statesman's Guide," a book that every honest Amer- 
ican ought to read ; as well as the book called " The Empire 
of the Mind." It is a philosophical history of the universe 
and man. 

We therefore, as a logician, conclude that the church, as 
a single species of organized society, has not the right nor 
the attribute to pervade and rule the entire family of spe- 
cies of corporations, thereby taking the place of the mother 
genus, which by analogy in this case belongs to the 
statesman. He, to be a statesman, must equally partake 
of every attribute of the different species of human organ- 
izations, and blend them into one, as the personal genus of 
all the species must be capable of representing each indi- 
vidually, and thereby represent the genus in each of its 
species. If this rule is observed, there will be no difficulty 
between church and state. 

The church has equal rights commensurate with all other 
social corporations, and no further. None of them can 
plead a superiority, the one over the other, in state mat- 
ters, but have only the right to act within the limits of 
their personal chartered attributes and innate characterist- 
ics. The way to reform the priesthood, and thereby the 
churches, is to deny them all influence in legislation and 



APPENDIX. 409 



permit no excessive salaries, as they will draw corrupt men 
into the ministry as well as they do into the legislative de- 
partment ; and as the legislative is entirely distinct from 
the religious, the religious must not attempt to legislate for 
the state ; neither dare the legislative meddle with the re- 
ligious; and between the two there is a free department 
into which neither of them dare to venture. This is what 
divides all personalities into communities, as well as leaves 
each separate citizen to himself. This is the independent 
individual sphere, as described in "The Statesman's Guide," 
pages 277 to 281. 

The church's proper place in society is that of high 
moral teacher and lecturer in the new scientific era, as 
described in the close of the seventh lecture in the book 
called " Empire of the Mind." Here science and religion 
are harmonized, as well as are " cosmo-theology " and 
" homo-theology; " for surely all sciences are but the mani- 
festation of the cosmic god upon the homic god through 
the universal mind upon the homic mind ; therefore, its 
true name is " mind essence," or science. We say that the 
church's proper place in society is " high moral lecturer," 
while that of the state is that of economy, jurisprudence 
and force in execution, with a general protectorate of all, 
as the genus over her species. The church, the most re- 
filled of all her brood, stands at the head of the class ; and 
if she wants any thing of a high moral character, she must 
get it by process of education, as these things are not 
within the limits of the legislature, nor even the church, 
but must be attained by education in the high lecture field, 
with all free to choose or refuse by free will and individual 
conviction. 

Certainly we are not warring against the church in order 



410 APPENDIX. 



to destroy her, but, as with the state, we wish to purify her 
in her morals, by giving her a better education and purer 
ministers, the same as we wish to inaugurate in the state 
department, so that the church may act as a refiner of 
morals, and the state, with true wisdom, may make wise 
laws and render just judgments; and that, between the 
two, " righteousness may prevail, as do the waters over the 
great deep." 

I am not an enemy to religion, but it is the jewel of my 
soul — the light that guides me in life's better paths, and 
heightens the joys of friendship, making it the key-note of 
the songs of heaven, reconciling all men as friends and 
worshipers of one God. 

But can not we worship the God of the universe direct 
as well as receive light from the sun without a sun-dial ? 
Then, if this be so, there is no positive necessity for a 
priesthood through which to receive this intelligence ; for 
there are always outside lecturers who greatly excel the 
priesthood in scientific matters, because they are free and 
untrammeled in their thoughts. 

Organized societies will always exist in the community, 
but each must keep strictly within its legitimate sphere. 
There is nothing so desirable, nor affords the votary of 
science greater pleasure, than the process of becoming a 
scholar. The glory, then, is in viewing nature in her exact- 
itude, which calls forth in response the exactitude of the 
nature of the immortal soul as the reflex of the infinite 
God, which view exhilarates the soul as it flashes upon it, 
calling forth admiration, veneration and the most profound 
worship. Do the scientists preach these doctrines ? They 
teach the doctrine of a common divinity of both God and 
man. The known God they find in man ; the unknown 



APPENDIX. 411 



they find in the cosmic and astronomical universe. Their 
motto is, to let all think for themselves, and render a free- 
will tribute to this divinity in accord with its prompting in 
the sanctuary of each one's soul. 

In this essay we use the Christian mode of expression, 
the " soul," in place of the term " man ; " yet we distinguish 
between man, his body, mind, spirit and intelligence. 
Neither of these is the same. Each -is a distinctive some- 
thing, with this difference— that intelligence is an effect 
produced by the spirit through the senses on the soul (the 
man) in the mind, which is retained, compared, digested 
and recorded on the soul in its intellectorium — the sancto- 
rum wherein dwells the God, who knows and reasons with 
man by reflection. 

The priesthood knows very little of man, or the science 
of his nature. To all he is still an enigma, and much 
more so is the great God ; therefore, all should be free to 
think of these things as best they can, while want will 
prompt to action and self-good direct all iuto the eternal 
paths of virtue and ultimate destiny of the human race, 
always measuring all things by the eternal standard — the 
central self; then do unto others as this central self would 
that they should do it. Therefore, when perfectly edu- 
cated, this divinity teaches man that his first duty is to 
himself; the next, to his fellow-man, as second self. This 
fills the measure of all morals, and ends the object of 
social laws by statute ; and thus ends my disquisitions of 
the same. 



412 APPENDIX. 



SUPPLEMENTARY REMARKS. 

ADJURATION OF THE AUTHOR TO THE AMERICAN NATIONS. 

In looking over the history of Europe, with her barbar- 
ous system of conquest, since the establishment of the new 
era of republics in the New World by the United States of 
North America, we observe the peaceful manner in which 
republics settle matters, compared with the mode of the 
monarchies of Europe. The everlasting strain that is set 
upon each nation to preserve its independent individuality ; 
the costs of their armies and armaments ; the distress this 
causes to the peace of private families, both in robbing 
them of their children and friends for the military slaugh- 
ter, as well as the enormous taxes to support this butchery ; 
the everlasting fear of the sudden whim of an ambitious 
prince to aggrandize himself and nation at the expense of 
his neighbor nation — makes life a burden to all peoples 
within the circle of this order of civilization. But with 
the union of states, with an intermediate court of arbitra- 
tion to settle all interstate matters, this evil is done away 
with ; and no one being the owner of the state as king, 
there is no cause for national robbery to aggrandize an in- 
dividual or a dynasty. In order to avoid and prevent such 
a system from springing up in the three sister Americas, it 
is proposed to form an American compact of nations and 
states, with a court of commerce and compromise — this 
court securing to all states their exact dues ; with a system 
of commerce as free between the American nations as 
exists between the states of North America ; and for mu- 
tual protection against foreign encroachments, such as a 



APPENDIX. 413 



European league or a coalition of nations against any part 
of America. For this purpose the American nations will 
combine together to build the four double railways from 
the city of Buenos Ayres, in the Argentine Republic, to 
the city of Chicago, on Lake Michigan, in the United 
States of North America. This road, when built, will be 
under the control of the American international court of 
commerce. This will forever preclude the possibility of 
wars of conquest in America by either foreign governments 
or the Americans themselves. 

The above views of the future possibilities of the Amer- 
ican nations can not be avoided ; therefore should engage 
the attention of each and all of them in securing their 
safety — first, from a European conquest; second, from 
American conquest of nation by nation, thereby inaugur- 
ating the European system of national robbery and indi- 
vidual tyranny by military chiefs, and forever degrading 
the human race. The great American compact will forever 
secure them against all this, thus giving assurance of peace 
and commercial friendship among all the American nations 
as one people, which, commercially, they are, by being 
united by commercial laws, which laws are adjusted by and 
through the great interstate court or international congress. 
Through the instrumentality of this court the American 
nations will be kept at peace with themselves; and being 
combined for self-defense, the European nations will not 
molest them with intent of conquest. 

If the American nations do not wish this European order 
to be ingrafted upon them, then the Monroe doctrine must 
be most vigorously enforced, and to do this successfully it 
is necessary, first, to unite all America into one grand com- 
mercial union with an American international railway, 



414 APPENDIX. 



both for commerce as well as for mutual protection and 
defense. 

To guarantee a perpetuation of this peaceful order, a 
commercial capitol of the commercial nations must be 
built for the international congress of arbitrators, which 
will sit perpetually, as has been frequently mentioned here- 
tofore in this book. 

No geographical changes will take place with the com- 
mercial nations without the consent of this court ; and if 
the monarchical nations, by their wars, disturb the com- 
merce of the world, this court shall summon the belligerent 
nations to appear before' it and adjust their differences by 
arbitration ; and if they refuse, and persist in still disturb- 
ing the peace and commerce of the nations, then this court, 
with the entire force of the three Americas, will force them 
to desist and henceforth keep the peace. 

The American order of government is a new civilization, 
and the United States is its mother, while the others are 
her brood ; therefore, they hover near and seek the protec- 
tion of her wings, while she assumes the protectorate over 
them as her family. She must consequently arm herself 
for the fray, for the two civilizations will soon be tested ; 
they can not both dominate the world at the same time. 
The American course for its defense consists in the entire 
union of all the republics, as stated before. The final 
effect will be to revolutionize the monarchies, and the new 
civilization will become universal. Then the new code of 
justice will complete and perfect the human race. As this 
code of laws, with a forced education, will be adopted by 
all nations, it will be the base of action for the commercial 
congress of the nations. 

Adopt this policy and the whole human race in the 



APPENDIX. 415 



future ages will bless us of this age for it, for man must 
either be free or a slave — either be perfected in his god-like 
nature or sink to perdition as a demon ; must be delivered 
from all tyranny of man over man, and made a perfect 
race of men as a race of gods. 



ADIEU OF THE AUTHOR. 

To those more scholarly than himself, he must apologize 
for not giving his different systems in their regular detail, 
instead of breaking off* and then again resuming the thread 
of argument, thereby making seemingly unnecessary repe- 
titions. My apology for this seeming redundancy is this : 
The subject in the form as given in this book is new — the 
ground untrodden by other authors before me ; besides, the 
subjects unraveled themselves to my vision just in the order 
I have given them. They, being eternal principles, will 
always remain the same to all men's visions ; and they, as 
they read the book, will also advance in this system as I 
did, and will also be pleased, as I was, by the sudden flash 
of the light of self-evident truths, which they will see at 
the same turns as they are placed in the book. This gives 
it a charm that was not designed by the author, but is con- 
tained in the very nature of the matters themselves. 

But the author hereby gives every one who wishes the 
right to correct the book and improve its new sciences, 
especially the new code of laws in accord with those of 
ethics. This ethics must also be systematized to correspond 
to the logic of its genera and species, as this lays the basis 
of the new code of law pleadings, as well as. the guide for 
the judge in jurisprudence. 



416 APPENDIX. 



Nothing will please the author so much as to hear that 
some veteran lawyer has perfected this system of laws ; for 
these are the laws which even the gods must obey. We 
hereby give to all the right to improve this book, or make 
abstracts therefrom ; but all must tell whence they got 
their texts. 

The author claims that he has given in this book a per- 
fect system or science of ethics, and thereby an infallible 
base of jurisprudence and exact legislation. The book is 
for the people, and a special contribution to the writers on 
statesmanship, whom he claims as his compeers and co- 
workers. 

CONCLUDING NOTE. 

AN EXPLANATION TO THE READERS OF ' ' THE STATESMAN'S 
GUIDE" IN RELATION TO THE CIVrL SERVICE POLICY AS 
RECOMMENDED THROUGHOUT THE BOOK. 

The cause that prompted the author to write the plot 
and scheme for the civil service reform and commission 
can ouly be understood when his forced education and new 
jury system, with the new code of law pleadings, are made 
a known fact. He saw that our government could never 
attain to that perfection which its originators had in view 
for it unless the people, whose genius it was to represent, 
were educated to correspond with the high order of civili- 
zation embraced in its nature. Its progressive genius 
would call for statesmen of the highest possible order to 
execute it and evolve new statutes — in wisdom correspond- 
ing with the continually advancing genius of the people. 
This he saw could never be accomplished while the majority 
were stupidly ignorant — so much so that they could not 



APPENDIX. 417 



comprehend the use of so perfect a government; besides, 
they would become mere tools in the hands of unscrupu- 
lous scoundrels in their electioneering schemes for office. 
Therefore, the author saw that to remedy this it was neces- 
sary, first, by a forced education to educate the people 
up to correspond with this high order of government; and 
to do this it was necessary that two additional branches or 
departments of education should be added to our present 
system — namely, physiology, with all the adjunct sciences 
in medical jurisprudence. When the student was master 
of these sciences, he would receive a diploma, which would 
guarantee to him an entrance as a student into the higher 
school of psychology, law and ethics; and when he had 
mastered these, he would receive a diploma as master of 
laws. Now, having passed all these, from the common 
-school up through all the grades, and holding diplomas 
therefor, he is eligible to fill any office, from a juryman to 
judge of the supreme court of the nation. 

Without this diploma, he can fill no office that is within 
the range of the judiciary, making the office of justice of 
the peace and the jury the commencing point in the as- 
cending scale. All offices below this could be filled by 
those of proper capacities, such as constables, police, super- 
visors of public roads, common school teachers, or any 
thing beneath the range of the judiciary. This, the author 
claims, would serve a double purpose — first, it would create 
a new incentive in all citizens for a higher order of educa- 
tion as a matter of honor, as no one could aspire to office 
who had not the proper qualifications, and none could as- 
cend higher than their qualified education warranted ; and, 
secondly, it would obviate the positive necessity of disfran- 
chising the uneducated, whose franchise is naught but an 



418 APPENDIX. 

element of corruption, warranting a retrogression in our 
civilization, and therefore they must be educated or else 
disfranchised, and naught but a forced education will avail 
in achieving this. It is not the number of votes cast, but 
the wisdom of the voters, which guarantees to the nation a 
progressive government ; besides, there would be no ineffi- 
cient candidates for office, as none could hold an office 
higher than his diploma warranted. This would regulate 
all aspirations for office. 

Thus the author expected by this means to reform our 
judiciary — first, by excluding all men from the legislature 
who were not masters of law and ethics, thereby warrant- 
ing that every statute which the legislature enacted would 
be the legitimate offspring of ethics. Then, when these 
statutes came into court, they -would be adjudged by those 
who also were masters of law and ethics, as all law 7 yers, 
jurors, and judges of courts would have to hold a diploma 
given to them by the high school of law and ethics. By 
this means justice would reign in all of our courts, and the 
republic attain to that perfection w T hich inspired its found- 
ers to originate it ; that is, to elevate the whole human race 
to the highest possible plane of humanity. 

In order to achieve this grand result, and check the evi- 
dent downward tendency of our civilization, the author saw 
the necessity of this civil service policy after the above 
order. In his mind, it was one of the grand links yet 
wanting in its completion. By it he expected to throttle 
party corruption by barring ignorance from high positions, 
and thereby give a new impetus to education by guarantee- 
ing to the wise and virtuous the rewards of their wisdom, 
and the unwise would thus be restrained from injuring 
others by their folly. 



APPENDIX. 419 

In conclusion, the writer claims to be not only the au- 
thor of the civil service policy, but also of the arbitration 
theory, both for the nations as well as for capitalists and 
their employes. The Geneva convention — its idea — came 
from this book, as President Grant had a copy of the work, 
and was particularly referred to this matter by its author. 
He also claims that the American convention of the repub- 
lics came from this book, or was inspired thereby. The 
author does not intend that another shall rob him of this 
honor — he cares not who may make the claim. Just let 
the people read the book, and they will know whence all 
these things came. Even let them read Chapters 6, 7 and 
8, on pages 151 to 170, and they will see whence the Re- 
publicans got their idea of "the magnetic man," and 
clothed the Hon. James G. Blaine therewith. They are 
welcome to its use, for the author had Mr. Blaine and a 
thousand others like him in mind when he wrote it. But 
he claims the honor of its origination, and also claims the 
origination of the civil service idea, with the international 
arbitration and the commercial congress of the nations, 
particularly the American nations (see pages 292 to 302) ; 
and the capital of the world, and an universal commercial 
language, and an universal coin for commercial purposes 
between the nations, all came from this book. But, above 
all, the author claims to have systematized ethics into a 
science of genera and species, whereby a new code of laws 
and law pleadings, with a new jury system, is made possi- 
ble, all as exact as mathematics, from which no lawyer will 
be allowed to depart in his pleadings, as the pleadings will 
be mere illustrations of law as expressed in the statutes, or 
from law to statute, as from genus to its species; for statute 
without law is worthless, as it can not be classified, and it 



420 APPENDIX. 



is the law that gives value to the statute, and if there is no 
law in it then the statute is worthless. The reader must 
judge all for himself. 

There may follow another volume of "The Statesman's 
Guide" in a series of essays on law and ethics, and an ex- 
pose of the injustice of our present jury system, with the 
inconsistency of our courts being governed in their decis- 
ions by precedent judgments of men who lived in a more 
ignorant age than the present, thereby disparaging ethics 
as a guide to infallible justice. The court should look at 
the case direct, and the law of justice as defined by ethics, 
and pass his own judgment thereon independent of all 
statutes to the contrary; for his oath will not allow him to 
be governed by statute if the law of justice is not in it; 
and for this very reason the author saw the positive neces- 
sity for his civil service policy, which would exclude all 
men from the legislature who were not masters of law and 
ethics, and thereby make it impossible that spurious stat- 
utes could ever be enacted ; for there would be a committee 
on ethics who would pass judgment on all new statutes 
before they could be engrossed as law on the book of stat- 
utes. Without such a civil service law, the author saw 
that our institutions would retrograde into barbarism, as 
our liberties, without moral qualifications, warranted naught 
but villainy. 

With wealth as the standard of honor, and the fools' 
statutes to govern our courts, what could we expect but 
just what we now have? — that is, justice throttled by in- 
justice, with three-fourths of the people enslaved by pov- 
erty, and ignorance as a pall covering the fair face of the 
republic — and it is mere mockery, with the goddess of liberty 
trying to enlighten the nations, while at her back ignorance 



APPENDIX. 421 



and injustice hold sway. When the reader contemplates 
these matters, he will then see the necessity of the civil 
service reform after the order of its author's original con- 
ception, as a perfect republic can never live upon the ele- 
ments of ignorance. 

With excessive wealth in the hands of the few, and 
abject poverty surrounding the many — with wealth as the 
standard of honor, and poverty looked upon as a crime, 
and our statutes made by knaves and fools ; with old Nick 
as judge, and his imps as lawyers — what else can we expect 
but just what we have? The author thinks that when the 
honest American reflects over these matters he will cry 
out, " Give us civil service reform, with a forced education 
and a new jury system, along with a new code of law 
pleadings, and thereby elevate the nation to correspond 
with our ideal republic, and make it a fact." 

A judge who is so imbecile that he is unable to adjudge 
a case by its own merits, and must look for precedents or 
other men's judgments, is not fit for the office; nor should 
he be allowed to hold it ; nor should he be allowed to quote 
other judges' decisions to strengthen his own conclusions, as 
thereby he acknowledges his own want of confidence in his 
own judgment. Such things are not allowed in the new 
jury system ; neither to the judge nor the attorneys in 
their pleadings. They must plead direct from the facts in 
the case, and refer these facts to the laws which govern 
them— not statutory laws, but the ethical laws, as the stat- 
utes themselves are worthless aside from the ingredient of 
law contained within themselves ; and this ingredient of 
law in the statute points to its mother genus in ethics ; and 
from that the pleading must be gauged, as statutory plead- 
ing will not be allowed, and if an attorney attempts it the 



422 APPENDIX. 



judge will silence him. All pleadings will be purely scien- 
tific after the order of the logic of the case, as from the 
genus to its species, and the species to their genus, or the 
laws of ethics to the case in question. This is the ultimate 
of a perfect government, the judiciary being its cap-sheaf. 
And this is the ultimate idea of civil service reform ; and 
when it is made a fact, then, as of old, St. John's vision will 
be complete, and the heavens ring with hallelujahs; "for 
now the Lord God omnipotent doth reign, and the saints 
have gotten the kingdom," and the republic, as the ancient 
of days, shall live forever and forever. 



REFLECTIONS ON LAW. 

PHYSICAL AND METAPHYSICAL VIEW OF LAW— THE MIND 
AND SOUL NOT THE SAME. 

Law always pertains to and is known by the effects that 
spring from the involuntary attributes of nature. It is the 
result of the infinity of perfection in its action, and it de- 
termines the final will of all sentient intelligent beings in 
their choice of actions in seeking their self-good. Their 
obedience thereto is called wisdom, while disobedience is 
called folly ; the one is a virtue, while the other is a vice. 
Therefore the attribute of the atom is the base of law that 
governs the cosmic universe, as is also the individual rights 
of man the base of ethics and foundation of all social gov- 
ernment ; for, take away the atom and its attribute, and 
nature is annihilated, as is all human government, by the 
annihilation of the individual and his individual rights. 




DIRECTORY FOR THE STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 



SHOWING WHERE TO FIND CERTAIN EXPRESSIONS, FACTS, MAXIMS 
AXIOMS AND THEORIES IN THE BOOK. 



10- 


12 


16- 


28 


29- 


33 




34 




37 



A synoptical view of the individual and universal 

minds Pages 

Causes and bases of political revolutions 

A figure of a perfect government by the bees 

How to distinguish the true statesman 

The evil effect of wealth as a standard of honor 

Bases of civil service; also, the idea of photographing 
candidates, and its full meaning, is found in the 
new code of law pleadings, the new jury system, 
forced education and qualification for all offices, 
commencing at page 35 and ending with the book. 
Evil effect of abject poverty and excessive wealth on 

the republic 46- 51 

The United States in her practice a mock republic 52- 54 

Mode of reform 54 

The enabling act 56- 62 

Prison reform 61 

Military reform 63-69 

Emancipation proclamation ; its author 70- 72 

Mode of conducting political conventions, and plan 
for the congress of nations; capital citv of the 

world 73, 78, 113, 238, 292-300 

Duties of the world's congress 78 

Classification of ethics into its genera and species, 
commencing at page 81 and continuing through 
the whole book. 

Distribution and readjustment 101-112 

Commerce and its avenues; congress of nations 113 

Classification of rights, illustrating the new code of 
law pleadings by dividing ethics into its genera, 
then these genera into their relative species— the 
genus being the law, the species the statutes, gov- 
erned as laAv by the genus of which it is a species, 

with a mock trial for illustration 123-151 

(423) 



424 DIRECTORY FOR THE STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 

The magnetic man, illustrating the force of character 
or the magical influence of genius — revealing the 
secret springs of the invisible force of govern- 
ment; how exercised 152-170 

The model man 171-182 

Free Trade vs. Protective Tariffs 183-219 

Progressive genius of man, and signs of the times; 

man's achievements 220-226 

Allegory of co-operation 227-237 

Capital city of the world 238-247 

The aesthetic beauties of the civilization of the nine- 
teenth and twentieth centuries 248-252 

Definition of what constitutes government ; its phases, 
elements, and how exercised, page 253 to the end 
of the book. 
The necessity of a thoroughly educated franchise or 
right of suffrage in balloting for officers of govern- 
ment, in order to maintain a perfect democratic 

republic 255-2G1 

License and its nature 261 

Internal improvements 262 

Base of a perfect civilization 264-268 

Money ; the commune or community 268 

Court of trades and capitalists 273 

Political and legal inertia; anarchy, or the under-cur- 
rent of government ; order in seeming disorder, or 
government of the individual by his private judg- 
ment — illustrating the different angles of individ- 
ual character, and the different species of ethics 
corresponding thereto, as the base of the new code 
of law pleadings; as outside of the conventional ; 
the truly non-conventional ; outside of statutory 
jurisdiction, or the legislative sphere, and not ac- 
tionable, but beyond the jurisdiction of ail courts; 
without such a base to start from, and measure 
back to, there could be no classification of rights, 
nor idea of ethics, nor a system of civilization pos- 
sible 277-282 

Constitutional government 282-285 

Temperance reform : • ■ • ^85, 286 

Legal protection to employes for injuries sustained 

while in the employ of others . . . 286, 287 

Legal relative gradation of states, counties, townships, 
and cities; the laws of individualism governing 
them ; each supreme in their individuality, it be- 
ing the base of rights 287-289 



DIRECTORY FOR THE STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 425 

Reflections on the cause of political corruption; its 

remedy, etc 290-292 

The future policy of the United States, and the true 
policy of the congress of the American nations; 
their* intervention between any two belligerent 

American nations, in order to prevent war 292-302 

Directory for the last edition of " The Statesman's 

Guide ; " apology therefor 303 

The international four double railroad of the Amer- 
ican republics, and its uses 304 

The cause for non-enfranchisement of foreigners for 

twenty-one years, or altogether 310 

The positive necessity of annexing Canada 311 

The new banking system; its object 317-322 

A forced education 317 

The moral influence of home 321, 322 

Inalienable titles to homes 323 

The fool's idea of the labor problem 330 

Advice to England and Russia 336, 337 

The world's international coin 337 

The proportion of gold, silver and paper money in the 
commerce of the world, with an international sub- 

-treasury and certified checks 338 

Contrast of the one-eyed cyclop and the argus-eyed 

statesman 339 

The enabling tax; its uses, etc 339 

The undesirability of an unequalized commune of the 

occupations 340 

The infernality and inefficiency of the present jury 
system, and tyranny of statutory law pleadings, 
with the curse of the idea of precedents control- 
ling our courts as a guide for their judgments; 
justice, as discerned by reason, being the true 

guide 341 

Apology for the defense of rationalism as a guide in 

law 343, 344 

Defense of rationalism ; second note 350 

Judge Hagans's opinion criticised 352 

Second quotation from Judge Hagans 353 

Reverend Mr. Lock wood's opinion 354 

Distinctive reason for the origin of Sunday 355 

Microscopic view of a case by law 361 

Motto for the new judiciary 362 

Prelude to the new code of law pleadings 364 

Generic and specific line of the classification of law. . 364-370 

Incomplex rights 370-375 

New j ury system 375, '376 



426 DIRECTORY FOR THE STATESMAN'S GUIDE. 

New schedule of values for taxation 376, 377 

Why the honest poor are kept homeless 376, 377 

The curse of stock jobbery, and its remedy 376, 377 

Advent of a higher civilization and nobler education ; 
eulogy of the free press and the goddess of lib- 
erty 378, 379 

Addenda, or reflections as by comparison of the old 
and new jury systems; their different modes of 
selecting and impaneling a jury, etc 379-388 

Note second — reflections on jurisprudence and the 

qualification of jurors and judges of law 388-392 

The heaven of man's arts and the sciences ; the uni- 
verse reflected in its harmony from himself 393 

Americanism in its true democracy and an autocratic 
papacy positivelv antagonistic, the one to the 
other '. : 395-411 

Adjuration of the author to the American nations; a 
reflective review of the smouldering elements of 
Europe, and their possible effect upon the Amer- 
ican nations 412-415 

Adieu to the reader by the author 415 

A general explanation of the use and merits of the 
civil service reform, and what prompted the au- 
thor to evolve it.and give it to the people, with his 
system of a forced education 416 

Arbitration theory — its design and its uses ; the Amer- 
ican international convention— whence its inspira- 
tion 419 

Imbecility of judgment its cause. 421 



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